I checked 18 political science journals on Tuesday, February 17, 2026 using the Crossref API. For the period February 10 to February 16, I found 31 new paper(s) in 12 journal(s).

American Journal of Political Science

The limits of AI for authoritarian control
Eddie Yang
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An emerging literature suggests that artificial intelligence (AI) can greatly enhance autocrats' repressive capabilities. This paper argues that while AI presents a powerful new tool for authoritarian control, its effectiveness is constrained by the very repressive institutions it is designed to serve. This constraint stems from what I term the “authoritarian data problem”: citizens' strategic behavior under repression diminishes the amount of useful information in the data for training AI. The more repression there is, the less information exists in AI's training data, and the worse the AI performs. I illustrate this argument using an AI experiment and censorship data in China. I show that AI's accuracy in censorship decreases with increasing repression, especially during times of political crisis. I further show that this problem cannot be easily fixed with more data. Ironically, international data—especially data from less repressive settings—can help improve AI's ability to censor.
Does external threat bring the nation together? Evidence from the United States
Nicholas Sambanis, Amber Hye‐Yon Lee
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Do external security threats unify the nation in countries with high social polarization? War and other forms of interstate competition for power may increase the salience of national identity, but the effect may be weak if the nation is divided. Empirical evidence of a trade‐off between national (superordinate) and subnational (subordinate) identification during times of crisis is sparse. We present an experimental framework to measure effects of external threat on national identification in the United States, exploring whether effects are driven by attachment to the nation (ingroup love), hostility toward other nations (outgroup hate), or both simultaneously. We find that even in a context of partisan polarization, external threat strengthens national identification, expressed mainly as increased hostility toward the national outgroup. National identification need not come at the expense of salient partisan identities as long as these are not perceived to be in competition with the national identity.

American Political Science Review

How the Pro-Beijing Media Influences Voters: Evidence from a Randomized Field Experiment
JAY C. KAO
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Authoritarian regimes have increasingly leveraged foreign media to project influence within democracies, yet evidence of these co-opted outlets’ actual effects remains scarce. This study presents findings from a field experiment conducted during Taiwan’s 2020 general election, assessing the impact of The China Times, a Beijing-backed media conglomerate, on voter behavior and attitudes. The experiment incentivized participants to engage in sustained consumption of real-time news from this outlet in the weeks leading up to the election. Results from a panel survey linked to individual-level web-tracking data reveal that exposure to The China Times sways voters in favor of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). These effects, however, are primarily driven by nonpartisan and PRC-friendly voters. To the extent that I find effects among PRC-skeptics, they show evidence of backfiring. As Beijing’s media co-optation extends beyond Taiwan, my findings have broader implications for understanding the effectiveness and limitations of authoritarian influence operations.

Annual Review of Political Science

Conceptualizing Academic Freedom
Jacob T. Levy
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Academic freedom is an unusual and complex set of norms and practices. It arises out of the combination of the corporate self-governance of medieval universities and the spirit of disciplinary scientific inquiry in modern research universities. It combines a principle of antiorthodoxy as to conclusions with the robust associational self-governance of scholarly communities whose members evaluate one another as participants in that shared enterprise. It has never been easily or wholly embraced by wider societies; today it is under wholesale attack. This article combines conceptual, normative, and historical analyses of academic freedom as a general norm with attention to conflicts over it in the mid-to-late 2010s and early 2020s. Some genuinely hard cases and questions tested the meaning of academic freedom and university values well before the current crisis.

British Journal of Political Science

Descriptive or Partisan Representation? Examining Trade-Offs for Asian Americans
John J. Cho, Mia Costa, Yusaku Horiuchi
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Do voters want representatives who share their race, ethnicity, or partisanship? We examine this question with a focus on Asian Americans who face trade-offs between descriptive (that is, Asian American or ‘pan-ethnic’) and partisan representation, as well as trade-offs involving ‘co-ethnic’ (for example, Korean for Korean) and ‘cross-ethnic’ (for example, Indian for Korean) descriptive representation. Across two experiments, we find that when Asian Americans are asked about collective representation in Congress, they prioritize more co-ethnic and pan-ethnic legislators over co-partisan legislators. However, in a competitive electoral setting, they often trade off race/ethnicity for partisanship. Asian Americans are only willing to cross party lines to vote for a co-ethnic candidate, but never for a cross- or pan-ethnic candidate. These findings shed light on the importance of considering heterogeneous preferences along ethnicities within the same racial ‘in-group’, such as Asian Americans, a heavily understudied and heterogeneous group in American politics.
How Bad Can It Get? Polarization and the Public Interest When It Matters
Mark A. Kayser, Kasia Nalewajko
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Scholars and political observers, alike, have associated political polarization with the weakening of democratic norms and the undermining of accountability, as partisans trade off the public interest against in-group loyalty. We probe how in-group bias shapes support for collective goods in actual high-stakes settings in an especially polarized democracy. Conducting survey experiments in Poland, we examine two scenarios: electoral integrity during the 2023 parliamentary election that could have entrenched authoritarian rule and national security after Russia’s 2022 invasion of neighboring Ukraine. Our findings show pronounced partisan bias undermining support for electoral integrity – approximately 40 per cent of party supporters with an average level of partisanship supported rerunning an election when their party unexpectedly lost – but less bias in judgments about national security, raising the possibility that individuals may view democracy as more of an instrumental than an intrinsic good.
Adolescent Exposure to Economic Inequality and Belief in the ‘American Dream’ on Entering Adulthood
Stephanie L. DeMora, Benjamin J. Newman
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The growth in economic inequality in the United States over the past forty years has stimulated interest among scholars in the effects of exposure to inequality on the American people. A prominent vein of scholarship explores whether exposure to inequality diminishes belief in a key pillar of the ‘American dream’ – the meritocratic ideal that hard work will translate to economic success. We offer this literature a novel test that explores the relationship between quotidian exposure to economic inequality in one’s adolescent residential context and belief in the American dream among roughly 1.3 million late-adolescent Americans entering college. We find that adolescent residence in high-inequality areas is associated with decreased belief in the American dream upon entering adulthood. Further analysis revealed that this relationship is most pronounced among young Americans raised in higher income households.
The Unequal Challenge of Learning from Under-Informative News
Andrew Trexler
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Political news consumption is highly uneven today: few people consume from news outlets directly, while many encounter news incidentally through social media and aggregators. Because outlets depend on direct consumers for revenue, they respond primarily to this core audience’s preferences. Several contemporary styles of news coverage—which emphasize partisan conflict, employ specialized jargon, engage in predictive analysis, and use clickbait language—are attractive to core consumers, but may also make news less accessible for others. In a pre-registered survey experiment ( n = 2,233), I show that, relative to a public interest style that prioritizes key information about policy and democratic norms, typical news styles weaken post-exposure recall of key news information—that is, they are under-informative. Recall penalties are especially severe for those with lower baseline political engagement, yet still affect highly engaged consumers as well. This study shows that contemporary approaches to news coverage broadly under-serve the public by inhibiting political learning.

European Journal of Political Research

Compensating the losers: The (limited) elite–public gap in trade politics
Andreas DĂŒr, Robert A. Huber, Gemma Mateo
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Compensatory policies for the losers of trade are a key feature of the liberal economic order established after the Second World War. Legislators have a variety of policy options to choose. But do political elites and the public have the same attitudes toward compensatory policies? We expect an elite–public gap with the public relatively less supportive of spending policies and more supportive of tax cuts and trade restrictions than political elites. Moreover, we reason that ideology should matter more for elites than the public. Unique data from a survey with legislators in 19 European countries and public opinion surveys in three countries allow us to test this argument. We find that elites and the public indeed differ in their attitudes toward compensatory policies. However, these differences pale in comparison to variation in support for various compensatory policies. These findings shed light on the politics of compensation and on the political attitudes of elites and the public more broadly.
Everything for the fans: Party responsiveness across the EU over time
Felix Lehmann
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Are parties responsive to public opinion and, if so, to whom exactly? These key questions continue to be major topics of debate among party and representation scholars. This research note extends recent contributions to the literature in three distinct ways. Unlike most extant studies, I do not limit my analysis to Western European countries and the left-right dimension but examine party responsiveness across the entire EU with a focus on six key issues. Conceptually, I draw on two responsiveness frameworks that are concerned with distinct ways through which parties can change their position to align with the general electorate or their partisan supporters. The standard framework tests whether parties shift in the same direction as the public, whereas the congruent responsiveness framework focuses on whether parties reduce past incongruencies with the public. Using updated expert and voter survey time-series data for the period between 1999 and 2024, I show that parties are primarily responsive to their supporters. The uncovered patterns of responsiveness are consistent across responsiveness frameworks, issues, European regions, and time. Both mainstream and niche parties primarily respond to their supporters. The findings carry important implications for our understanding of representation in contemporary European politics.
Preaching conservative ideas: The speech-act theory of value conflict
Lise Lund BjÄnesÞy, Peter Esaiasson, Elisabeth Ivarsflaten, Paul M. Sniderman
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This is a study of how opposing cultural values influence support for minorities’ civil liberties. We build on a rich body of work, which establishes that culturally liberal Europeans are more likely to value diversity and favor minority rights than are cultural conservatives. Our contribution is to bring attention to how a second dimension of value conflict upends this established pattern. If a religious minority, in this case Muslims, wants to use their religious freedom to call on Muslims to adhere to conservative Islamic values – to preach them – support for their civil liberties plunges. We report substantively large and remarkably consistent results from seven classical tolerance experiments conducted in three European countries. In each trial, we observe the tendency of non-Muslims to deny Muslims their right to freedom of religion. We consistently observe that culturally liberal citizens join cultural conservatives in turning against Muslims’ right to hold a public rally when Muslims intend to exercise their right to freedom of expression to preach (the speech-act dimension) culturally conservative ideas in Islam ( the substantive dimension ). Preaching is a performative utterance, an instance of when saying something is doing something. What is being done, in addition to what is being said, is to call for compliance. This study finds that conflicts with religiously grounded values in contemporary European liberal democracies often have an additional order of intensity, because stating religious beliefs in the form of performative utterances is an integral part of religious practice.
Pics or it didn’t happen! EU institutions’ visual communication and user engagement on Facebook and Instagram
Olga Eisele, Tobias Heidenreich, Phoebe Maares
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Social media often follow a visual logic found to increase engagement, as images are more likely to attract attention, presenting information on a holistic-associative basis. For a political entity like the EU, social media are a promising route to overcome the remoteness to its citizens, identified as one of the crucial challenges to its public legitimacy. Against this broader background, our study analyses the influence of 10 years of EU visual social media communication on user engagement as an indicator of successfully creating visibility in a crucial communication space. For this purpose, we conducted an image-type analysis, combining quantitative and qualitative features of visual analysis: First, a subsample of posts was inductively analysed to identify recurring image types and subsequently used to implement a manual quantitative visual content analysis. Building on the results, we drew on a machine learning approach, allowing us to analyse over 40,000 posts, including more than 20,000 pictures. Our results emphasise the crucial influence of social media affordances in explaining user engagement with EU visual social media communication. Implications are discussed with reference to the ongoing discussion about the EU’s democratic deficit.

Party Politics

Book review: Who nominates? A history of the U.S. presidential nomination process WilliamsNorman R, Who Nominates? A History of the U.S. Presidential Nomination Process. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2025. ÂŁ95.00 (hbk); ÂŁ30.99 (pbk), x + 259pp. ISBN 978-1-009-47158-9; 978-1-009-47159-6.
Zachary Albert
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Political Analysis

Modeling Hierarchical Spatial Interdependence for Limited Dependent Variables
Ali Kagalwala, Hankyeul Yang
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Multilevel modeling accounts for outcome dependence across lower-level units due to unobserved group effects, while spatial modeling accounts for outcome dependence across units in the same level of analysis due to diffusion. Outcome dependence can occur simultaneously due to both spatial diffusion in the lower-level units and spatial diffusion in the unobserved group effects. For example, counties are nested within states and diffusion processes might take place at both levels of analysis. Building on recent research from the spatial econometrics and multilevel modeling literature, we propose a class of spatial hierarchical models with binary outcomes. One method accounts for spatially independent, unobserved group effects and the other method accounts for spatially dependent unobserved group effects. We propose a Bayesian approach to estimate such effects while also accounting for lower-level diffusion in the outcome, and provide software to estimate these models. Our Monte Carlo results demonstrate that failing to correctly account for diffusion and/or the nested structure of data can lead to bias in both parameter estimates and substantive effects. We apply these models to analyze the causes of civil rights protests in the United States in the 1960s.

Political Geography

Topography of power. Visual domination and the geography of pursuit on Alpine borders
Sarah Bachellerie
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Climate Justice or Climate Apartheid? The justice trade-offs of private solar investments for South Africa's just transition
Charlotte Lemanski, Christina Culwick Fatti, Fiona Anciano
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Political Psychology

Do emotions drive the link between winning and satisfaction with democracy? Leveraging the Super Bowl, the World Cup, and The Lion King
Shane P. Singh, Patrick Fournier, Jason Roy
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Electoral winners are more satisfied with democracy than losers, but there is debate over whether this is due to emotions or policy considerations. In two quasi‐experiments, we exploit the outcomes of major football games, which exogenously separated people into winning and losing groups. As the games' outcomes have no bearing on governmental policy, any detected effects of victory and loss on satisfaction could be attributable to irrelevant emotions. We validate the initial studies with an experiment in which participants were randomly assigned to view emotion‐inducing excerpts from The Lion King . While the manipulations in each study altered participants' emotional states, they had no effect on democratic satisfaction. Because specific election‐induced emotions may be distinct from those experienced by the participants in our studies, we cannot rule out an affective mechanism completely. We conclude that emotions do not indiscriminately drive the winner–loser gap in democratic satisfaction.
Motivated causal judgments and responsibility for civilian casualties in military conflicts
Dimiter Toshkov, Honorata Mazepus
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Causal judgments are ubiquitous in politics and crucial for assigning responsibility and blame. Cognitive science has demonstrated that people are more likely to pick factors as “causal” when they make a difference for the outcome across a range of counterfactual scenarios, with the scenarios sampled based on statistical and prescriptive normality. We propose that this makes causal judgments susceptible to motivated reasoning and ingroup favoritism in particular. We hypothesize that people will be less likely to assign causal efficacy and responsibility for counternormative outcomes to groups they support, and that the bias will be greater for more complex causal structures. We test these propositions in two pre‐registered survey experiments run on representative samples in Poland. The context of the experimental vignettes is a military conflict between Russia and Ukraine. We find that, in all scenarios, respondents assign significantly higher causal power and responsibility to the attackers when the attackers are Russian rather than Ukrainian, consistent with our theory and the very high levels of public support for Ukraine in Poland. Contrary to our expectations, the responsibility of the attackers is not significantly lower when they hit a public building as a result of defending combatants moving there rather than when unprovoked.
When survival becomes politics: Necessity activism and identity work under precarity
Lucia Garcia‐Lorenzo, Lucia Sell‐Trujillo, Paul Donnelly
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Collective action is essential for tackling social, institutional, and environmental challenges, often fueled by shared identities, common norms, and a belief in the possibility of change. However, the impact of participating in collective action on individual identities, and how this knowledge can shape future efforts to maintain engagement and promote positive change, remains underexplored. This study uses a liminal and identity work approach to examine how precarious Spanish activists, involved in long‐term struggles against precarity, develop and negotiate their identities as activists through protest participation. Based on a qualitative study spanning over 9 years, this research focuses on the experiences of activists from two collectives in Seville, Spain, that emerged in response to the Great Recession. Our findings introduce the concept of necessity activism to describe political engagement driven by survival needs rather than ideological commitment. We show how activists facing precarity undergo a three‐phase identity transformation: forced separation, intensive identity work, and varied outcomes including burnout, withdrawal, or adaptive re‐engagement. This process highlights the emotional and material costs of activism and the ongoing reconstruction of activist identities under the liminal conditions created by precarity.
Diplomacy of grievance: National narcissism, exclusive victimhood, and demanding WWII reparations in Poland and Greece
MichaƂ GƂówczewski, Theofilos Gkinopoulos, Aleksandra Cislak
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Demands for war reparations often re‐emerge in political discourse, decades after conflicts have ended. This research investigates the psychological underpinnings of public support for claiming World War II reparations, focusing on the roles of national narcissism and ingroup victim beliefs. Across four pre‐registered studies conducted in Poland and Greece (total N = 2780), we show that national narcissism—a defensive belief in national greatness coupled with a desire for external recognition—predicts support for war reparation claims. This relationship is mediated by perceptions of ingroup victim beliefs, particularly exclusive victimhood, which emphasizes the ingroup's unique suffering. Our findings illuminate how identity‐based motivations, especially those rooted in narcissistic group beliefs and selective historical narratives, can shape support for populist foreign policy initiatives long after the original conflict has ended.
Bridging the divide: Using metacognitive training to reduce hostility between the political left and right
Steffen Moritz, Lisa Borgmann, Tanja M. Fritz, Anja S. Göritz, Klaus Michael Reininger
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The study aimed at reducing the propensity for violence among supporters of left‐wing parties toward the right‐wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) as well as supporters of the AfD toward the German left‐wing Green Party (Die GrĂŒnen) using metacognitive training (MCT). A total of 1025 German participants were recruited online. Participants' political orientation and attitude toward the Green Party and the AfD were assessed using questionnaires. The MCT intervention asked participants seemingly simple questions that evoked common stereotypes and then presented the correct counter‐stereotypical answers alongside explanations. The study used a pre–post design to measure changes in political polarization. Hostile attitudes toward the opposing political camp were reduced at a small to medium effect size. Most participants felt they had learned something new from the intervention. Metacognitive variables pertaining to overconfidence predicted change. The findings suggest that MCT can reduce hostile attitudes toward an opposing political group. The study highlights the potential of MCT for reducing societal conflict by challenging stereotypes through surprising information. Studies with control groups and long‐term follow‐up are desirable. More research into the mechanisms of change is needed.
Perceived causes of Black–White racial economic inequality and racialized policy attitudes: Implications for policy support
Alicia M. Bowling, Drexler James
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Attributing racial disparities to factors related to individuals (individual causes) or to societal factors (structural causes) is linked to attitudes toward racial equity policies. Membership in a dominant or subordinated racial group might shape these associations. Using the case of Black and White Americans' attributions for Black–White economic inequality, we investigated the association between distinct kinds of individual (i.e., innate factors, lack of motivation) and structural (i.e., discrimination, lack of educational opportunity) attributions and attitudes toward racialized policies. We used cross‐sectional samples of non‐Hispanic Black and White Americans from the 2016 ( N = 2361) and 2018 ( N = 1875) General Social Survey to examine these associations. Results show that Black Americans were more likely to make attributions to discrimination and individual factors than White Americans. Generally, structural attributions were associated with stronger support for policies aimed at addressing racial inequality, whereas individual attributions showed opposite associations. Effects varied by the kind of attribution and policy. Race moderated the effects of attribution on attitudes toward government spending and racist expression policies, but not affirmative action. These studies contribute to understanding how group position and attributions of racial inequality relate to policy preferences, which have implications for developing initiatives to improve policy support.

Political Science Research and Methods

Analyzing the impact of events through surveys: formalizing biases and introducing the dual randomized survey design
Andrew Bertoli, Laura Jakli, Henry Pascoe
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Social scientists often compare survey responses before and after important events to test how those events impact respondent beliefs, attitudes, and preferences. This article offers a formal analysis of such pre-event/post-event survey comparisons, including designs that seek to reduce bias using quota sampling, rolling cross-sections, and panels. Our analysis distinguishes major sources of bias and clarifies the comparative strengths and weaknesses of each approach. We then introduce a modified panel design—the dual randomized survey—to reduce bias in cases where asking respondents to complete the same survey twice could impact their Wave 2 responses. Our formalization of bias and novel research design improve scholars’ ability to study the causal impact of events through surveys.
The shadow of social desirability bias: evidence from reassessing the sources of political trust in China
Ding Li, Xiaobo LĂŒ, Shuang Ma, Wenhui Yang
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Recent scholarship has emphasized methodological innovations to mitigate preference falsification in public opinion data, yet systematic scrutiny of bias in regression analyses remains limited. Drawing on analyses of political trust in China, we offer three key insights. First, determining the direction of social desirability bias in regression estimates—whether over- or underestimation—is challenging ex ante . Second, analyses of two nationally representative Chinese surveys, one incorporating a list experiment, cast doubt on the purported positive effect of social welfare expansion on political trust. Extending beyond social welfare and the Chinese case, we find similar biases when regressions rely on direct questions. Third, we show that certain identification strategies can partially mitigate regression bias when direct questions are unavoidable.
Fine-tuned large language models can replicate expert coding better than trained coders: a study on informative signals sent by interest groups
Dahyun Choi, Denis Peskoff, Brandon M. Stewart
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Understanding how political information is transmitted requires tools that can reliably and scalably capture complex signals in text. While existing studies highlight interest groups as strategic information providers, empirical analysis has been constrained by reliance on expert annotation. Using policy documents released by interest groups, this study shows that fine-tuned large language models (LLMs) outperform lightly trained workers, crowdworkers, and zero-shot LLMs in distinguishing two difficult-to-separate categories: informative signals that help improve political decision-making and associative signals that shape preferences but lack substantive relevance. We further demonstrate that the classifier generalizes out of distribution across two applications. Although the empirical setting is domain-specific, the approach offers a scalable method for expert-driven text coding applicable to other areas of political inquiry.

PS: Political Science & Politics

Evaluating Partisan Registrations Amid the Electronic Registration Information Center Controversy
Jared McDonald, Alauna C. Safarpour, Michael J. Hanmer, Lisa A. Bryant
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Election integrity is paramount to democratic health. The Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC) is a multistate collaboration that facilitates essential election administration functions, whereby members share administrative data to ensure clean voter registration lists and to encourage individuals who are eligible but unregistered (EBUs) to register to vote. Despite ERIC’s primary focus on maintaining the accuracy of voter rolls, in 2022, some conservatives accused it of being a tool for partisan electioneering, prompting nine Republican-led states to leave ERIC. To assess the validity of a central criticism made against ERIC, we leverage field experiments conducted by member states during the 2016 elections in Pennsylvania and Nevada (i.e., two important swing states). We find no empirical evidence to support the claim that outreach to EBUs yielded a partisan advantage: ERIC’s registration efforts had little differential effect on party registration or turnout. This article discusses the importance of efforts to maintain accurate voter rolls and to encourage greater participation for promoting confidence in our democratic system.
“A Flood of Voters for Them”: Replacement Fantasies and Democratic Distortion in the 2024 Election
Michael Feola
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This article explores how the 2024 Trump campaign persistently invoked the so-called “great replacement” narrative to promote a politics of racial fear. As the article details, this messaging relied upon the mutability of the replacement narrative – highlighting a supposed plot by the Democratic Party to “import voters” from Latin America in order to corrupt the democratic process. This strategy yielded a variety of civic costs. By foregrounding the language of democracy, the campaign laundered xenophobic fears for widespread consumption. More broadly, the article details how this episode illustrates a core strategy of far right media politics: to capture and repurpose the civic language of liberal democracies to serve illiberal aims.
Academic Freedom as a Duty rather than a Right: A Confucian Perspective and Beyond
Chih-yu Shih, Chiung-Chiu Huang
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This article explores the relationship between academic freedom and the field of political science, focusing on scholars’ duty to engage in societal issues related to their area of expertise, rather than merely protecting their intellectual pursuits from outside influence. By drawing on and expanding the Confucian principles, it examines how this viewpoint informs the responsibilities of scholars and educators working within the discipline.
Issue Framing After Dobbs : Examining How Abortion Was Addressed in Tweets During the 2022 Midterm Elections
Heather K. Evans
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This article explores how abortion was framed on Twitter as an issue during the 2022 midterm elections directly after the overturning of Roe v. Wade. By leveraging a dataset of all tweets sent by US House of Representatives candidates for two months prior to the midterm elections, this study examines how both gender and partisanship impacted the discussion of abortion and shows that partisanship drove the rhetoric surrounding this issue during those elections. Whereas women candidates in general were significantly more likely to discuss abortion than their male counterparts, Democratic women led the way and were more likely to use “women-invoked rhetoric” to frame the issue.
The Long Reach of US Party Politics: Transnational Campaign Involvement Among Democratic Partisans Living Abroad
James A. McCann, Amanda Klekowski von Koppenfels, Ronald Rapoport
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Much is known about the factors that shape partisan campaign activism in the United States and other democracies. In contrast to this voluminous literature, political scientists have given relatively little attention to an emerging phenomenon in contemporary party politics: the mobilization via “emigrant party branches” of partisans living outside of the territorial borders of their native country. We address this gap in the literature through an analysis of Democrats Abroad—the official overseas arm of the US Democratic Party—during the 2024 election cycle. Drawing from an original two-wave panel survey of party members, we demonstrate that some of the forces that prompt campaign activism in the domestic United States hold for partisans overseas. At the same time, factors pertaining to the migration experience and settlement in another country also affect engagement in American campaigns. Most notably, we find that overseas Democrats who become integrated into the party system of their residential country are more likely to participate in American elections from the distance. This finding contributes a fresh perspective to models of political transnationalism and “campaign spillover” in electoral research—that is, the impact that partisan engagement in one context has on subsequent involvement in separate domains.

The Journal of Politics

Gateways to White Nationalism: Leaders’ Online Rhetoric and Follower Engagement
Carly Wayne, Luwei Ying
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