I checked 18 political science journals on Wednesday, March 18, 2026 using the Crossref API. For the period March 11 to March 17, I found 33 new paper(s) in 11 journal(s).

American Journal of Political Science

Encouraging crossover voting in the 2024 presidential primary
Hayley M. Cohen, Daniel B. Markovits
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Will voters participate in the primary of a party they oppose to prevent the nomination of a candidate they fear? Partnering with a political action committee, we conduct a first‐of‐its‐kind, large, preregistered field experiment ( N  = 83,902) in the lead‐up to the 2024 Republican presidential primary in New Hampshire. A specialized get‐out‐the‐vote intervention increases turnout in the Republican primary among undeclared voters who are modeled as likely to vote for Democratic candidates in the general election. Our treatment increased Republican primary turnout in this sample by 1.6 percentage points while reducing turnout in the Democratic Primary by .5 percentage points. Supplementing our experiment with surveys before and after the primary, we estimate that each vote cast by Democratic‐leaning voters in the Republican primary had between a 78% and 95% probability of supporting the relatively moderate Republican primary candidate. We argue that voters are capable of sophisticated, risk‐mitigating behavior in primaries.

American Political Science Review

Exiting Russia
RACHEL L. WELLHAUSEN, BOLIANG ZHU
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As of February 24, 2022, over forty thousand foreign-invested firms operated in Russia, a host state that initiated an interstate war—an exceptional shock in the modern era of economic globalization. Using company registration data, we document that after 18 months of war, 33.3% of foreign-invested firms had changed ownership or become inactive. We conceptualize exit as a politicized transaction in which sellers and buyers face external pressures and bargain over terms. Concerning pressures to sell, those in consumer-oriented industries were more likely to exit. On bargaining, we find Russian state interests consequential: foreign-invested firms already under Russian managerial control were more likely to exit, whereas those in Russian strategic industries were not. Despite extraordinary economic sanctions to isolate Russia, and surging social backlash against doing business in Russia, results imply that multinationals are at best unstable tools of economic statecraft, even in the midst of war.

Annual Review of Political Science

The Politics of Inflation
Lucy Barnes
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Inflation returned to the foreground of political economies worldwide after 2019, after 30 years of relative quiescence. Inflation remains unpopular—including among those who are hurt by the policies currently used to reduce it—and damaging for established regimes and incumbent governments. But whether the explanations and tools developed to contain price increases after the 1970s are appropriate for twenty-first century inflation is less clear. Credibly independent conservative monetary policy, export-oriented production, and wage coordination helped limit demand-driven and wage-push inflation in the past, but global supply shocks and structures and sellers’ inflation may be more important drivers of contemporary inflation. These are yet to be systematically examined in political science, and their political consequences and policy solutions look quite different.

Electoral Studies

Candidate confirmation timing and voter preferences in Canadian federal elections
Nabil Afodjo
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Party Politics

The effect of ruling party change and party ideology on participatory budgeting stability: Survivors and victims of local elections
José Luis Fernåndez-Martínez, Isabel Becerril-Viera, Joan Font
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Participatory Budgeting (PB) has demonstrated a remarkable capacity for global diffusion. However, its ability to endure over time and become fully institutionalized remains more limited. This study addresses one of the most frequently cited explanations for PB’s instability: changes in the ruling party. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, we argue that it is not party turnover per se that leads to the discontinuation of PB, but rather the ideological orientation of such changes. To investigate this hypothesis, we draw on an original dataset covering 295 Spanish municipalities, including both cases of PB continuity and discontinuity. Our findings indicate that changes in the ruling party alone do not account for the interruption of PBs. Instead, the key determinant is the ideological direction of government change or continuity: PB is more likely to persist when left-wing parties remain in power or when transitions occur toward left-wing administrations.
Which democracy do political parties want? The role of party personalism
Tristan Klingelhöfer, Gideon Rahat
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The standard model of representative democracy is increasingly challenged. Partly because of the tight historical and theoretical connection between representative democracy and political parties, it is not well understood how the latter relate to other models of democracy. Whereas previous studies have examined ideology and populism to explain why parties differ in the conceptions of democracy they advance, we argue that personalism, as expressed in party organization, is part of the story. Combining data from PPDB and V-Party, we analyze the relationship between party personalism and opposing models of democracy for 194 parties from 38 countries. Centralized personalism goes together with supporting direct democracy, illiberalism, and majoritarianism. In contrast, parties exhibiting a high degree of decentralized personalism tend towards liberalism and consensus democracy. When the “rules of the game” are not universally accepted anymore, we need to understand better which players seek to make changes and why.
Party research and party support aid: Conflicting visions of how parties function?
Susan E. Scarrow, Fernando Casal BĂ©rtoa
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Recent decades have witnessed substantial expansion in both international efforts to support the development of political parties as healthy organizations, and in academic comparative studies to understand how parties’ organizational choices affect political outcomes. Despite the similarities of the concerns, the overlap of these efforts has been modest. This article considers why these developments have failed to converge, pointing to different fundamental conceptions of how political parties function and what they are for. It then illustrates this gap by considering two areas of party operations (i.e. political party finance and intra-party democracy), showing the scarcity of research support for some major assumptions that justify specific party aid prescriptions. The article concludes by considering possible ways to bridge the practitioner-researcher gap in this field of study.
Majority ethnonationalist ethnic riot and protest in 18 European countries: Variable levels of vote salience
Brandon Ives
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This study argues that election years shape whether majority ethnonationalist (MEN) organizations in European countries engage in ethnic riot and protest, with effects differing by party status. For MEN non-parties, elections highlight a good (votes) that they do not pursue, reducing incentives for ethnic riots and protests during election years. In contrast, for MEN parties, elections make votes more salient, increasing their incentive to employ such tactics. Using original data on 281 MEN organizations across 18 European countries, two-way fixed effects estimations show that for MEN non-parties, an election year is associated with a 3.40 percentage point decrease in the predicted probability of ethnic riot. In contrast, for MEN parties, election years are positively associated with riots. No clear interactive association is found for protests. The findings advance existing evidence on majority ethnonationalism and far right politics in Europe with evidence of organizational mobilization differences.
Deliberation and intra-party trade-offs in Barcelona en ComĂș
H Can Kurban
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This article examines the institutionalization of democratic innovations within movement-parties by analyzing the longitudinal case of Barcelona en ComĂș (BComĂș), a party that emerged from Spain’s 15M movement and governed the city of Barcelona for two consecutive terms. While much scholarship suggests that participatory and deliberative structures inevitably erode under institutional pressures, this study argues that the trajectory of democratic innovation is more contingent and actor-driven. Drawing on fifteen in-depth interviews with mid-level party staff, complemented by internal documents and public materials, the article investigates how BComĂș navigated the tensions and trade-offs between participation, deliberation, and representation. Findings reveal that while BComĂș experienced the pull towards centralization, along with cadre depletion, and declining grassroots participation, it maintained reflexive organizational practices that slowed oligarchical drift and enabled periodic recalibration to reconstitute organizational legitimacy. The article argues that the durability of democratic innovations depends less on their initial adoption than on the party’s capacity to embed them procedurally and culturally across multiple organizational layers.
Loyal voters in volatile elections: Partisanship and voting behavior in India
Ankita Barthwal, Francesca Refsum Jensenius
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Partisan loyalties have been found to stabilize voting behavior in democracies with strongly institutionalized party systems. This article considers how party exit and weak partisanship—two characteristics of weakly institutionalized party systems—undermine partisanship’s stabilizing effect on voting patterns. Drawing on the Indian National Election Study from 2019 and an original survey on partisanship in northern India, we show that whereas partisan voting does not look high at first glance, partisans are likely to support their preferred party when it is actually on the ballot. Further, when their preferred party is on the ballot, partisans have higher turnout and vote in a more stable manner than non-partisans. These patterns are stronger among those with longer-standing or more intensely felt attachments. Our findings highlight the importance of taking both the electoral landscape and variation in partisanship strength into account when studying the effects of partisanship in new contexts.
Politics remains a team sport: On the continued relevance of studying party organization
Richard S Katz, Tristan Klingelhöfer
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In advanced industrial democracies, politics has become heavily personalized. What are the implications of this process for research on, and the practice of, democracy? Some have called for a reconceptualization of the essence of modern democratic politics in a way that moves research away from the so-called party organization paradigm. We argue here for the continued relevance of (studying) party organizations. Shedding the theoretical baggage of the mass party ideal from the party organization paradigm, we maintain that, while political parties may structure elections less than in the past and have recently underperformed in safeguarding democratic norms and rules, personalization has actually increased their capacity in the parliamentary and governmental arenas. The party organization paradigm prompts us to problematize these contrasting developments and articulate normatively where exactly the shortcomings of current political parties lie when it comes to safeguarding liberal democracy.
Who wants to be in the Driver’s seat? Members’ views on intra-party democratic innovations
Claudiu Marian, Sergiu Gherghina
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Intra-party democratic innovations are on the rise around the world and burgeoning strands of research provide an institutional understanding of how political parties approach them. However, we still know little about how party members view democratic innovations and the benefits they can bring to the party. This article addresses this gap in the literature by mapping party members’ views on intra-party democratic innovations, and by identifying the areas where these innovations are welcome. It draws on semi-structured interviews with party members of parliamentary political parties in Romania. The results of our thematic analysis indicate that party members show considerably stronger support for deliberative practices compared to direct democracy. There is broad consensus across parties that deliberation can be used mainly for organization development and as electoral strategies but may be also suitable for internal communication and problem solving. Direct democracy is seen as contributing to organization development and as appropriate for internal communication.

Political Behavior

How Immigrants and Racial Segregation Affect Immigration Attitudes
Chuang Chen
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Digital Surveillance and Self-Censorship in Autocracies: Evidence from a Survey Experiment in Kazakhstan
David Karpa
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Digital surveillance technologies are increasingly employed, especially in authoritarian regimes seeking to monitor and shape online communication. Yet we have little empirical evidence about how such surveillance affects citizens’ expression of political views. Theory suggests that awareness of being surveilled induces self-censorship, discouraging individuals from voicing opinions on sensitive topics. This paper tests this proposition using a survey experiment conducted in Kazakhstan in November 2023 (N = 5,025). Participants were randomly exposed to a reminder of government surveillance, an assurance of privacy, or a control condition before answering sensitive and non-sensitive questions. Exposure to the surveillance reminder reduced responses to sensitive items by about three percentage points, while the privacy assurance had no effect. The effect is driven by respondents who consume foreign media, suggesting that politically informed individuals are more responsive to surveillance cues. These findings provide experimental evidence that perceived surveillance discourages political expression and reinforces authoritarian stability.
After the Takeover: Rebuilding Trust in Public Media Through Institutional Reform
Ashley Blum, Gabriela Czarnek, Adam J. Berinsky, David G. Rand
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Opinion Change in Nonpartisan Contexts: The Case of Residential Zoning Reform
Stephanie Ternullo
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Political Geography

From local site to global logics. Infrastructure, capitalism and violence
Timo Dorsch, Sowmya Maheswaran
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Governing through temporariness: Disaster, temporal governmentality, and refugee agency in the Rohingya camps
Nazifa Rafa
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Spaces of private conservation: State effects and hierarchical autonomy in private wildlife conservation
Marlotte de Jong, Bilal Butt, Omolade Adunbi
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The Arctic world in Fridtjof Nansen's international thought
Hansong Li
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Troubling ‘Post-Neoliberalism’: Coalitional governance and contradiction in Chicago
Keavy McFadden
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Political Psychology

Values in politics: Exploring alignment between value salience in political texts, value importance in representative population samples, and political engagement
Joshua Lake, Joanne Sneddon, Johannes Karl, Ronald Fischer
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Values are central to human behavior and politics; however, we do not know much about which values are expressed in political texts and how these values align with those that are important to the larger population and those that relate to political engagement. We report the largest human‐based annotation of value expression in political texts to date (2678 political texts across 9 languages, coded by 66 experts in values research). We found that the most salient values in political texts were security and power, and the least salient were tradition and hedonism. This pattern was highly consistent across languages. However, the salience of values in political texts did not converge with either the relative importance of personal values in nationally representative samples ( N = 156,623) or the pattern of relations of personal values with political engagement. We discuss possible sources and consequences of this misalignment between values expressed in political discourse, personal value priorities, and those values that are associated with political engagement.
The effects of postmortem pictures in U.S. news coverage of school shootings: Emotional responses, perceived media bias, and gun control policy support
Jessica Fishman, Melike M. Fourie, Melissa A. Murin‐Minareci, Samantha L. Moore‐Berg
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In the United States, news outlets avoid showing postmortem images. Recent rises in school shootings have intensified debates about whether photojournalism should document the dead bodies of students killed. Some experts claim that these controversial images would increase public support for gun control and thereby save lives. However, other experts argue that these images should be banned because they cause audiences to experience compassion fatigue, desensitization, or intense distress and suspicions of media bias. Because the effects are unknown, we conducted an experiment to empirically evaluate these competing claims. In a preregistered, randomized, controlled, online experiment ( n = 1020 adults), participants viewed either photographs depicting victims' dead bodies, survivors embracing, on‐duty law enforcement, related headlines, or a prompt to “think about” fatal school shootings. Compared to the control conditions, the results do not suggest that postmortem images change support for gun control policies or perceptions of media bias. Importantly, the results do not suggest that news media need to censor these images to protect the public because we did not find evidence that postmortem pictures diminish compassion or traumatize viewers. They may even increase compassion. In sum, the news media may be justified in comprehensively documenting, rather than sanitizing, the nation's ongoing crisis of gun violence.

Public Choice

Empowering the principal: how direct democracy shapes trust in institutions
Fabian Kuhn, Benno Torgler
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Research & Politics

The opportunities and limits of microtargeting cross-pressured voters
Philip Moniz, Kyle Endres, Costas Panagopoulos
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Technological advancements have ushered in the promise of targeting potentially persuadable voters with personalized messages. One class of persuadable voters is those who are cross-pressured: they identify with one party but agree with policy positions of another. For political campaigns, targeting cross-pressured voters usually involves working with commercial vendors to infer voters’ party identity and policy positions. The effectiveness of microtargeted messages thus depends on the accuracy of those predictions. We analyze the accuracy of a leading US commercial vendor’s predicted policy positions using an original 2017 survey ( N = 397) asking voters their actual positions on 20 issues. We find a strong negative relationship between cross-pressure and predictive accuracy, at both the issue- and individual-level. Issues on which voters are cross-pressured are predicted with less accuracy. And the percentage of correct inferences about a voter’s positions decreases the more cross-pressured they are. While persuadable voters are a valuable target, reaching them is complicated by the difficulty in predicting their party-atypical stances.
Little room for motivated reasoning? How partisans respond to government misconduct with well-substantiated evidence
Wataru Onishi
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How do voters respond to a political scandal? Previous studies emphasize partisan motivated reasoning as a key factor in shaping responses to political scandals but offer mixed evidence. I argue that partisans are less likely to engage in motivated reasoning when two conditions are met: (1) clear evidence of severe misconduct and (2) clear responsibility attribution to an involved party. By analyzing an unexpected video release of the Partygate scandal in Britain during which a nationally representative survey was fielded, I find that even copartisans and independents show a decline in evaluation of government performance in handling COVID-19, feel less favorable toward the involved governing party, and report reduced intentions to vote for the party. In contrast, I find little evidence that supporters of the opposing party show a decline in these evaluations, likely due to prior negative expectations and floor effects. The findings highlight the limitations of partisan motivated reasoning among copartisans and voters’ intention to punish the involved party in the face of unambiguous evidence of government misconduct.
“White Americans’ ‘loser’ perceptions and redistributive policy preferences”
Sumeyye Mine Iltekin Gocer, Joanne M. Miller
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This paper examines white Americans’ attitudes toward redistribution in the United States. Prior research has identified key predictors of redistribution attitudes, including political ideology, racial prejudice, or resentment. In addition to these factors, a growing body of work highlights the role of perceived status threat. Our study builds on the status threat literature by investigating the impact of racialized loser perceptions on opinions towards redistribution. We rely on evidence from an original survey experiment conducted in the United States in 2019. Specifically, we find that whites who perceive themselves to be on the losing side of politics are more likely to oppose government involvement in redistribution, but only when the comparison to non-whites is made explicit. The effects of racialized loser perceptions are robust to controls for previously identified predictors such as ideology, racial attitudes, and party affiliation. We discuss the implications of our results for the rise of support for right-wing populist movements that champion white protectionism. Our paper contributes to past research by testing the effect of cross-racial comparisons on changes in support for redistribution and demonstrates that even subtle changes in the way the comparison is framed can boost white Americans’ anti-egalitarian positions on redistribution.

The Journal of Politics

Culture, Institutional Politics, and the Challenge for Higher Education
Elizabeth A. Oldmixon
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Rethinking Reputation: When Fighting to Demonstrate Resolve Backfires
Joshua A. Schwartz
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Does Informing Partisans About Partisan Bias Reduce Partisan Bias?
Diogo Ferrari
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Professorial Silence: Academic Freedom, Domination, and Self-Censorship in Contemporary Russia
Evgeny Roshchin
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Revisiting the Link Between Political Trust and Political Participation
Edmund Kelly, James Tilley, Sven Oskarsson
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The Church as Arbiter: A Divided Right in Interwar France
Carles Boix, Jean Lacroix
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