I checked 18 political science journals on Wednesday, October 07, 2026 using the Crossref API. For the period September 30 to October 06, I found 72 new paper(s) in 10 journal(s).

American Political Science Review

The Representation Trap: How Minority Power Shapes Electoral Politics in India
FEYAAD ALLIE
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Liberal democracy requires that minority groups be represented in politics. This article argues that minority representation can also generate headwinds for political inclusion by dividing the minority group and consolidating the dominant group. I study the combination of these processes, termed the representation trap, through a mixed-methods examination of Muslims in India. Analyses of election results and an original survey of Hindu and Muslim voters show that electing a Muslim representative divides Muslim votes across an increased share of coethnic candidates and consolidates Hindu votes for the majoritarian party in the subsequent election. Qualitative evidence and a vignette experiment trace these patterns to two mechanisms: sub-identity activation among Muslims and super-ordinate identity mobilization among Hindus. By showing how representation restructures elite and voter behavior within both minority and dominant groups, the article highlights the dynamic nature of ethnic politics and complicates the view of minorities as politically unified.
Crime and Participation
DAVID DOHERTY, G. AGUSTIN MARKARIAN, MENA WHALEN, DANA GARBARSKI
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Does exposure to crime mobilize or demobilize political participation? We report findings from a preregistered design, leveraging data from an original survey of 21 major U.S. cities and five waves of the Cooperative Election Study. We assess the relationships between direct victimization, local (ZCTA-level) crime rates, and perceived neighborhood safety and two outcomes: turnout (including validated turnout) and non-electoral participation. We find that direct victimization is significantly associated with more non-electoral engagement but lower turnout. The negative estimated effects of victimization on turnout exceed the magnitude of positive effects associated with common get-out-the-vote efforts. We find only limited evidence that crime rates are associated with participation. Perceived neighborhood safety is associated with higher rates of non-electoral, but not electoral, participation. Our findings offer new, comprehensive evidence on the relationship between crime exposure and political participation and illustrate the importance of distinguishing between types of exposure and forms of participation.

British Journal of Political Science

Generic title: Not a research article
Policlim: A Dataset of Climate Change Discourse in the Political Manifestos of Forty-Five Countries from 1990 to 2022 – CORRIGENDUM
Mary Sanford, Silvia Pianta, Nicolas Schmid, Giorgio Musto
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Critical Ties: How NGOs Become Reliable Information Suppliers to International Organizations
Florencia Montal, Gino Pauselli, MarĂ­a-JosĂ© UrzĂșa
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International organizations (IOs) monitor compliance with international norms but public criticism of member states remains discretionary. We argue that such criticism depends not only on mandates or political incentives, but on whether IOs can access information they deem credible. This credibility is socially produced. Through repeated interaction, IO staff develop trust in specific local non-governmental organizations (NGOs), which become reliable conduits of mandate-aligned and verifiable information. These trust-based ties reduce uncertainty and reputational risk, enabling public criticism. We test this argument using original data on press releases and NGO participation in public hearings at the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights from 1996 to 2020. Combining statistical analysis, an instrumental variable strategy, text analysis, and interview evidence, we show that the Commission is more likely to issue and to sharpen critical press releases when it has established ties with local NGOs focused on the relevant country and issue.
The Threshold Effect: Preference Falsification Versus Weak Preferences in Russian War Support
Isabelle DeSisto, Grigore Pop-Eleches, Jacob R. Tucker
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How reliable are surveys in autocracies? Using data from wartime Russia, we show why list experiments – commonly used to detect preference falsification – do not always reveal hidden dissent. We identify and test what we call the ‘threshold effect’: respondents may report support for a sensitive item in a direct question but omit it in a list experiment, not because they are lying, but because the list format can create a higher threshold for expressing support. We provide direct evidence of this effect and use two approaches to distinguish preference falsification from weak preferences. Both suggest that outright lying in Russia is limited, but many attitudes are weak and easily shaped by question framing. We conclude that while many Russians genuinely support the war against Ukraine, this support is shallow. Our findings suggest that researchers should take care when designing and interpreting survey questions that measure sensitive attitudes using indirect methods.
The Legacy of Mexico’s Drug War on Youth Political Attitudes
Omar GarcĂ­a-Ponce, Isabel Laterzo-Tingley
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How does childhood exposure to large-scale criminal violence and militarized law enforcement shape political attitudes and behavior? We examine the case of Mexico’s drug war, where a generation has been raised amidst the country’s most violent conflict in over a century. Surveying nearly 3,000 urban youth to measure their political and interpersonal trust, we matched respondents to historical data on criminal violence and military confrontations and operations in their childhood municipalities. Disentangling the effects of criminal violence and military interventions, we find that exposure to homicidal violence during childhood erodes interpersonal trust and trust in law enforcement, while military interventions – especially those involving violent confrontations – broadly undermine trust in federal security institutions and generate political backlash against the parties that governed Mexico during the exposure period. These findings have important implications for young democracies affected by high crime and violence and advance our understanding of how criminal wars influence political socialization.
When, Where, and Why Might Elected Political Elites Reach for Democratic Innovations?
ƞule Yaylacı, Mark Warren, Edana Beauvais
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Electoral democracies are under strain. Elections and conventional relations of representation between elected politicians and citizens do not seem to be providing sufficient legitimacy for democratic governance. In principle, democratic innovations such as deliberative minipublics or participatory budgeting could supplement electoral systems so that they function more democratically. But elected representatives may resist these innovations due to unfamiliarity, perceived threats to their power, and the belief that traditional electoral methods suffice for democratic legitimacy. This paper theorizes the potential incentives for elected officials to adopt democratic innovations, examining the conditions under which innovations might align with their interests. Democratic deficits may, and often do, present electoral risks and challenges. By mapping democratic deficits onto elite incentives, we suggest when, where, and why the strategic motivations of elected officials might align with democratic innovations. We illustrate the theory with examples of democratic innovations drawn primarily from the Participedia database. We conclude that strategies for deepening democracy should include understanding how democratic innovations relate to incentives structured by electoral institutions, so that innovations might supplement rather than compete with electoral democracy.

Electoral Studies

Generic title: Not a research article
Corrigendum to “Learning without improving: Within-voter changes in political knowledge and vote choice proximity” [Elect. Stud., October 2026 103 / 103119]
Felix BĂ€ckstedt, Elias Markstedt, Henrik Oscarsson
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Breaching the firewall: A natural experiment on how unravelling the cordon sanitaire affects voters’ attitudes
Annika Schuster, Jan Goedeking, Julian Erhardt, Robert A. Huber, Alexander Wuttke
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Out of breath, out of mind: Competing frames and public support for carbon taxation in Spain
Elena Romanin
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When attention shapes accountability: Ballot order and information weighting
Bomi Lee, B.K. Song
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How voters evaluate the proportionality-concentration trade-off: Evidence from a cross-national survey experiment
Eric Linhart, Michael Jankowski, Markus Tepe
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The impact of using a voting advice application on young voters’ motivation to turn out: A randomized survey experiment and observational panel study
Jonas Lefevere, Joke Matthieu, Laura Jacobs
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How snap election calls shape vote intention uncertainty
Klara MĂŒller, Alejandro FernĂĄndez-RoldĂĄn
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Learning without improving: Within-voter changes in political knowledge and vote choice proximity
Felix BĂ€ckstedt, Elias Markstedt, Henrik Oscarsson
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Votes against voting: Recall escalation as behavioural evidence of electoral (mis)confidence in Taiwan’s “Great Recall”
Edward Jiru Zeng
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The nature of party cues: A theoretical and empirical investigation
Josefine Magnusson, Mattias Agerberg
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When marriage ends: Divorce and the erosion of conservative political alignment
Seungwoo Han
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When loneliness becomes political. Voting for the AfD in the 2025 German federal election
Anna-Sophie Heinze, Marcel Lewandowsky
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Getting to know her: Information and gender bias in preferential voting systems
Justin F. Reeves, Daniel M. Smith
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Interpersonal political discussion and affective polarization: Comparative evidence from 41 elections and five panel studies
Mariano Torcal, Paul A. Beck
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Voter reactions to party policy repositioning: The role of inclusive intra-party decision-making
Sofia Marini, Leen Lingier, Jasmien Luypaert, Markus Wagner
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What harm do inappropriate emotional displays by political leaders cause? Evidence from an unexpected event during survey design
Jan Berz, L. Constantin Wurthmann
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The Korean national assembly elections dataset, 1948–2024: Complete candidate-level records
B.K. Song, In Hyee Hwang, Bomi Lee
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European Journal of Political Research

Generic title: Not a research article
Closed borders, closed minds? COVID-related border closures, EU support and hostility towards immigrants – CORRIGENDUM
Lisa Herbig, Asli Unan, Theresa Kuhn, Irene RodrĂ­Guez, Toni Rodon, Heike KlĂŒver
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The making of strange bedfellows: spatial diffusion in unorthodox coalition building
Gissur Ó Erlingsson, Emanuel Wittberg, Hanna Emilia BĂ€ck, Assar Wixe
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Why do ideologically distant political adversaries sometimes choose to govern together? This article advances research on coalition formation in parliamentary democracies by introducing a diffusion-of-innovation perspective. We argue that cooperation between political archenemies can spread spatially as parties learn from nearby cases. When sister parties in adjacent jurisdictions successfully form such coalitions without electoral punishment or sanction from national leaderships, the normative barriers to similar cooperation are weakened. In this way, unorthodox coalitions become politically imaginable and strategically viable through processes of observation, emulation, and learning. We test this argument in the context of Swedish local government, where an extraordinary transformation has occurred over the past few decades. Historically, cooperation between the Social Democrats and the Moderates – the two dominant rivals for national power – has been virtually unthinkable. Today, however, these former adversaries co-govern in nearly one-fifth of Sweden’s 290 municipalities. This shift in coalition behaviour challenges core expectations in coalition theory, which predict alliances between ideologically proximate parties. Drawing on a unique panel dataset covering eight local election cycles (1994–2022), we employ complementary log-log regression models to test whether exposure to unorthodox coalitions in the surrounding regional environment increases the likelihood of similar coalition formation. The analysis reveals clear evidence of hierarchical regional contagion: Social Democrat–Moderate coalitions are significantly more likely to emerge in administrative regions where similar arrangements existed in the previous term. These findings suggest that coalition formation is a socially embedded process of spatial learning, offering a new account of how political cooperation evolves across space.
Online privacy protection: How the varieties of democracy matter
Ahmed Maati, Stefan Wurster
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Digital technologies have enabled the gathering, storing, and processing of large amounts of data in increasing and unprecedented ways. This has triggered concerns regarding governments’ ability to harvest vast amounts of information on citizens and the consequences of this surveillance on democracy. The reliance of many democracies on digital (surveillance) technologies in response to the 2019 Coronavirus pandemic has amplified these concerns. While most studies focus on how privacy violations affect democracy, this study analyzes how variations in democracy affect the legal protection of citizens’ rights. We rely on data from the varieties of democracy to capture this variation and on data from the Digital Society Project to measure variations in online privacy protection laws. Our results point to a complex and partially unexpected relationship between democracy, its different dimensions, and online privacy protection laws in democratic regimes. The quality of democracy is positively associated with protective online privacy laws in typical times, but changes in democratic quality in the years preceding the pandemic did not affect changes in online privacy laws during the pandemic. However, the relationship between the different dimensions of democracy and privacy laws is more complex, and our results show that egalitarianism and participation are more important than liberalism in protecting online privacy laws. We conclude with a discussion of the relevance of these results to policy.
Pocketbook politics and climate action: How economic strain reduces support for green parties
Frederik Thieme
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Why do green parties struggle electorally despite overwhelming public support for climate action? While macro-level studies suggest that green party performance is shaped by economic conditions, the micro-level mechanisms driving this relationship remain unclear. This paper investigates whether personal economic strain reduces support for green parties and reshapes climate-related political attitudes. Leveraging rich panel data from Germany (2016–2024), I combine long-term correlational analysis with a difference-in-differences design exploiting the war-related 2022 surge in consumer prices. Voters facing financial hardship consistently evaluate the Greens more negatively and shift their political attention toward inflation and economic growth, while deprioritizing climate protection. However, evidence on vote intentions is mixed. These findings contribute to debates on green party support and the distributive politics of climate action, highlighting the relevance of voters’ pocketbooks and the need for green parties to convincingly address material concerns to ensure electoral success.
Romania’s immigration debate under neoliberal hegemony: Constructing diligent migrants and individualising Transylvanian Hungarians as racist
Luis Escobedo, TamĂĄs Kiss
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In 2020, a group of residents of the rural Transylvanian Hungarian-majority municipality of Ditró (in Hungarian), or Ditrău (in Romanian), mobilised themselves against two Sri Lankan bakers. Mainstream media portrayed the incident as xenophobic and racist, the locals as right-wing extremists, and the Sri Lankans as merely ‘migrant workers’, turning the ‘Ditrău incident’ into Romania’s first and most important nationwide immigration debate. This article analyses what the media-coverage of these events tells us about the country’s approach to immigration, and how the symbols, signs, languages, meanings, knowledges, and memories articulated around the ‘Ditrău incident’ make this and other relatable events feed into this approach. We employ discourse analysis, including Lotman’s cultural semiotics, and engage with the institutional, political, and historical framing of ‘the incident’, as well as the broader socio-political and historical context of Romania’s immigration debate. In this way, we argue that, first, the ‘Ditrău incident’ was instrumental to Romania’s dominant societal core in portraying itself as closer to ‘the West’, its absolution of any responsibility for xenophobia and racism, the reproduction of the hegemony of neoliberalism and the middle-class ideology, and the construction of ‘diligent migrant workers’. Second, ‘the incident’ was fundamental in the silencing, individualisation, and invisibilisation of working-class voices and particularising Transylvanian Hungarians as racists and extremists. Finally, it allowed Romanian mainstream actors to brand their nation as open, tolerant, and humane, while normalising the commodification and overexploitation of third-country migrant labour.

Political Analysis

Generic title: Not a research article
Using Multilingual Language Technology to Classify Open-Ended Survey Responses: Conceptions of Democracy in a Cross-Cultural Survey Setting – CORRIGENDUM
Stefan Dahlberg, Luise DĂŒrlich, Sofia Axelsson, Yahui Zhao, Joakim Nivre
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Political Behavior

How Policy Design Affects Perceptions of Beneficiaries and Support for Welfare
Lucia Lopez
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Most of the public supports welfare policies in the abstract, but many hold deep misgivings about the deservingness of welfare recipients, driving down support for specific policies. Welfare policies are often designed to mitigate these concerns by restricting access to benefits, but it is unclear to what effect. According to an influential strain of research drawing on social construction theory, these restrictions may backfire, instead increasing concerns about a free-riding public. In contrast -- drawing on psychological research on the deservingness heuristic -- I argue that policy features, such as work requirements, signal effort on behalf of recipients and thus deservingness. Using an experiment, I find that several policy features increase perceptions of deservingness and, in turn, increase policy support and generosity. However, some policy features are also perceived as overly burdensome, reducing the effects on policy support. Treatment effects on perceptions of beneficiary deservingness are largest among ambivalent respondents, but largely generalize across partisanship, ideology, and racial resentment. Overall, these findings help clarify the implications of the deservingness heuristic while challenging predictions from social construction theory and informing ongoing debates over public opinion and policy feedback.
What Works Against Populist Rhetoric? The Effects of Counter-Arguments on Democratic Attitudes
Markus Kollberg, Julia Leschke
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Politicians use populist rhetoric – arguments that portray politics as an enduring conflict between “the good people” and “the evil elites” – to generate support for attacks on constitutional safeguards, the media, and minorities. Yet, little is known about how to counteract such rhetoric. We utilize a pre-registered survey experiment in the UK (n $$\cong$$ 4000) to investigate the effects of counter-arguments put forward by fellow citizens. We hypothesize pluralist and democratic elitist counter-arguments to be promising antidotes to populist rhetoric and test to what extent such arguments can strengthen liberal democratic attitudes and weaken populist majoritarian ones. We find that populism can be challenged successfully but not with all types of counter-arguments. Pluralist appeals can decrease support for populist majoritarian democracy, while elitist counter-arguments have no effect on democratic attitudes. Additional analyses suggest that counter-arguments might also affect how voters evaluate candidates. These results contribute by demonstrating the potentials of counter-arguments in strengthening the resilience of liberal democracies vis-à-vis populist challenges.
Questionnaire Democrats? Reconsidering the Relevance of Abstract Democracy Support in the American Public
Adam R. Panish, Ariel Malka
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The American public largely favors “democracy,” yet many citizens tolerate undemocratic actions and candidates. This raises doubts about the relevance of abstract democracy support to actual democratic commitment. In contrast, we argue that abstract democracy support is a normatively significant dimension of attitude variation among Americans. Using nineteen surveys fielded between 1995 and 2024, we show that a sizable segment of the public expresses only tepid support for democracy, and that a nontrivial minority expresses opposition. Moreover, commonly used abstract democracy support items converge on a single latent construct which displays high rank-order stability, but also meaningful within-person variation, over a two-year period. Abstract democracy support negatively predicts openness to a wide range of electoral and liberal democratic violations and is associated with greater likelihood of electorally punishing anti-democratic candidates. In panel data, positive within-person deviations in abstract democracy support precede negative within-person deviations in openness to authoritarian governance, suggesting that individual-level shifts in abstract support predict later change in substantive democracy attitudes. Overall our findings suggest that the value of ‘democracy’ is contested among Americans, with potential implications for democratic erosion. We recommend that efforts to understand the American public’s role in democratic backsliding and restoration treat abstract support as a distinct attitude construct, measure it with multi-item scales, and explore whether or not it possesses causal significance.
Democratic but Still White: The Impact of Racial Identity Threats on White Democrats’ Support for Racial Justice Protests
Rachel Lienesch
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In recent years, observers have noted an apparent increase in racially progressive attitudes among White Democrats. Among journalists, this “great awokening” of White Democrats is practically taken as a political fact. However, what this consensus about the racial liberalism of White Democrats often overlooks is that while White Democrats have in many ways moved in line with the Democratic Party’s position on race and racial inequality, their White identity makes them vulnerable to racial identity threats. In this study, I test this potential for racial identity-driven backlash among White Democrats in the context of racial justice protest movements. To do this, I conduct a survey experiment in which respondents are exposed to an image from a racial justice protest, and I vary the messaging on the signs in the image as well as the race of the protesters. I find that when protesters use messaging that is critical of Whites and Whiteness, White Democrats’ support for the movement and the protesters declines. Additionally, such messaging causes respondents to distance themselves from the views of the protesters and raises concerns about violence erupting at the protests. These results underscore how racial identity threats can erode White Democrats’ support for political messages and political movements that their increasingly liberal racial attitudes should make them amenable to.
O Xenos: Racial Difference, Colorism, and Attitudes Toward Immigrants in Greece
Eleni Kyrkopoulou, Nicholas Sambanis
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Decoding Corruption Cycles: Extractive versus Collusive Corruption
Tuan-Ngoc Phan, Dean Dulay
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Political Geography

Permutations of settler colonial rule in Gaza: A generational approach
Silvia Pasquetti, Jemima Repo, Hala Shoman
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Political Psychology

A complex arc of engagement: Shifting psychological trajectories of international solidarity during sustained geopolitical conflict
Vivian P. Ta‐Johnson, A. Burcu Bayram
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How do international audiences psychologically engage with prolonged geopolitical conflicts on social media? Drawing on 1.2+ million English‐language tweets posted during the first 10 months of the Russia–Ukraine war, this study examines temporal shifts in engagement, emotion, existential concern, cognition, and psychological distance reflected through language. Results identified a clear psychological arc across the conflict. Discourse in the earliest phase was characterized by strong active engagement, heightened negative emotion, increased focus on death, conflict, and morality, and greater cognitive effort aimed at making sense of unfolding events. As the war persisted, these indicators declined and were replaced by shorter posts, fewer retweets, reduced existential focus, and simpler emotional and cognitive expression, consistent with attention fatigue and chronic crisis adaptation. Unexpectedly, psychological distance decreased over time, suggesting that users expressed themselves in more personal, spontaneous ways as the conflict became an enduring part of the digital environment. This challenges the view that declining engagement signals general disengagement and instead reveals a shift toward more grounded, personally meaningful forms of involvement. Findings illuminate the dynamic psychological processes through which publics respond to sustained conflict and highlight implications for political communication, humanitarian outreach, and crisis messaging strategies across the lifespan of international crises.
From identity to caring: A 44‐country examination of the role of global social identifications in concern for global issues
Marta Penczek, Katarzyna Hamer, Katarzyna Branowska, Zuzanna Zdanowicz, Laura Loy, David Sparkman, Maria Baran, Paul Bertin, Margarida Carmona, Theofilos Gkinopoulos, Justin Hackett, Rita Guerra, Anna Wlodarczyk, Karolina Marcinkowska, Bartek Nowak, Grace Akello, Flavia Albarello, Mujeeba Ashraf, Maja Bednarowicz, Nora C. G. Benningstad, Kinga Bierwiaczonek, Elirea Bornman, Janine Bosak, Ernest Darkwah, Sylvain DelouvĂ©e, Stephanie J. Eder, Violeta Enea, Agustin Espinosa, Eduardo Etchezahar, Laura J. Ferris, Alla A. Gudzovskaya, Keltouma Guerch, Joep Hofhuis, Matthew Hornsey, David Igbokwe, Manuel Ibarra, Shanmukh V. Kamble, Krys Kaniasty, Gabriella Kengyel, Hamid Khanipour, Paul Labor, Aline Venceslau Vieira Lima, Oleksandra Loshenko, Karolina Mazurowska, Keren K. Mintz, Lucas Monzani, Satoshi Moriizumi, Andrew Moynihan, Mohammed Mubarique, RadĂł P. Nagy, Kenzo Nera, Boglarka Nyul, Ayu Okvitawanli, James Osinde, Emrah Özsoy, Jorge Palacio, Ondrey PeĆĄout, Anna‐Maija PirttilÀ‐Backman, Vivien Pong, Erico RenterĂ­a, Dayana Restrepo, Adil Samekin, Heyla Selim, Denis Sindic, Alexa Spence, Sabrina Stöckli, Tam Kim‐Pong, JoaquĂ­n Ungaretti, Illia Yahiiaiev, Yelena Yemelyanova
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Previous research suggests that people who identify with global communities tend to show greater concern for global challenges. Using student samples from 44 countries across different cultural clusters ( N = 13,055), we examined whether (1) three forms of dispositional global social identification (GSI, with all humanity, citizens of the world, and people all over the world) are related to concern for global issues, (2) situational activation of these identifications increases such concern, (3) country‐level traditional and survival values are negatively associated with global concern, and (4) these values moderate the GSI–concern link. Both dispositional and situational GSIs positively predicted global concern. Situational activation showed inconsistent effects, whereas dispositional GSIs demonstrated moderate and consistent associations with global concern across the full sample and most countries. Overall, dispositional forms of GSI appeared more influential than situational ones. Contrary to expectations, traditional values (and survival values—marginally) were positively related to global concern and showed no evidence of moderating GSI–concern associations. Additional analyses showed the indices of GDP per capita, Human Development, Gini, and poverty as robust predictors of global concern. We discuss how these findings refine claims about the universality of global identification outcomes and highlight the importance of socio‐cultural context in shaping such concern.
How perceived economic inequality shapes political efficacy: The mediating role of institutional trust
Mar Montoya‐Lozano, Guillermo B. Willis, Juan Diego García‐Castro, Rosa Rodríguez‐Bailón
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Economic inequality shapes citizens' attitudes and democratic support, yet little is known about how perceived inequality influences political efficacy. This research examines the relationship between perceived economic inequality and political efficacy, testing institutional trust as a psychosocial mechanism underlying this link. Across two correlational and two experimental studies, we present converging evidence for this process. Study 1 ( N = 9985) revealed multilevel evidence of a negative association between perceived economic inequality and institutional trust, beyond the effect of objective inequality, using Latin American survey data. Study 2 ( N = 1536) replicated this finding with a Spanish quota sample, revealing an indirect effect of perceived inequality on political efficacy through institutional trust. Study 3 ( N = 168) involved the experimental manipulation of inequality. Participants in the high‐inequality condition reported lower institutional trust and political efficacy, and the indirect effect was replicated. Study 4 ( N = 638) employed a concurrent double‐randomization design to manipulate perceived inequality and institutional trust. In contexts of high institutional trust, political efficacy differed between highly and less unequal conditions, with lower political efficacy observed in the high‐inequality condition. Similar patterns emerged for collective action. Overall, perceived inequality undermines institutional trust, reducing political efficacy and democratic engagement.
Bad news for (young) gamers: Using gaming platforms as news sources is more intimately associated with radical belief dispositions than other online spaces
Simon Greipl, Ulrike Schwertberger, Diana Rieger, Brigitte Naderer
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This study explores how digital news use among young Europeans links to radical belief dispositions, particularly within gaming platforms and messengers, where socio‐affective dynamics shape engagement with political information. We argue that online groups are an overlooked locus for biased information processing and the normalization of extremist worldviews. The conflation of an increasingly fragmented online news space with the inherently politicized gaming cosmos can relate to amplified problematic worldviews based on shared activity, identity, and reality. Based on a cross‐country survey ( N = 1489; eight European countries), we compare (the use of) gaming, messenger apps, social media, and traditional media for news in terms of how they afford problematic forms of collectivity, particularly in relation to social, cynical, and radical epistemologies. We find a robust correlation between news use and a set of radical belief dispositions, prominently with messenger apps, but even more so in gaming‐related online environments—less so on social media and none with traditional news use. Notably, a mediation analysis suggests that shared meaning‐making exhibits a negative rather than a positive indirect association with radical belief dispositions. We discuss the complex interplay of how individual factors and platform architectures connect with news engagement utilizing a vulnerability‐affordance framework.
Contact as collective action: Positive and negative contact experiences of disadvantaged group members
Fiona Kazarovytska, Micha Hilbert, Dana Ionescu
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Intergroup contact programs worldwide strive to combat prejudice by promoting encounters between socially advantaged and disadvantaged groups. Despite their prevalence, little is known about how disadvantaged group members experience participation in such programs. We present qualitative field data from the German contact program Meet a Jew . In this program, Jewish volunteers engage in dialogue with attendees and share insights into their Jewish life to address antisemitism. Drawing on N = 450 volunteer responses (age range: 16–77 years) collected over five years (2020–2025), we examine the positive and negative experiences of volunteers with the arranged encounters. A qualitative content analysis shows that volunteers experienced contact as positive when their engagement and perspectives were met with interest, their efforts were socially recognized, and they perceived their engagement as effective in contributing to social change. However, volunteers also reported negative experiences, including disinterest from attendees, interference by authorities, and various conflicts. By providing the perspective of Jewish individuals who are both targets of prejudice and actors of prejudice reduction, we address the understudied perspective of disadvantaged group members who engage in contact interventions as agents of collective action. We discuss how our work contributes to contact theory and advances research on social change.
Conceptualizing and measuring global consciousness
James H. Liu, Robert Jiqi Zhang, Jacky C. K. Ng, Sylvia Xiaohua Chen
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To examine the conceptualization and the measurement of global consciousness (GC) in cross‐national contexts, we conducted a secondary analysis on survey data collected from 16,241 individuals across 35 societies. Results demonstrate that GC is best conceptualized as a multidimensional construct by a bifactor ESEM model, in which GC captures an overarching and direct source of common variance across all manifest indicators, whereas domain‐specific residual variance is retained by three existing measures: Identification with All Humanity (IWAH), Cosmopolitan Orientation (COS), and a shortened version of Global Orientations (GOS). Metric invariance was successfully achieved across 30 out of 35 societies. At the individual level, GC was negatively associated with political conservatism, an effect that was amplified in societies with higher HDI, more robust rule of law, and a salient culture of individualism. In an exploratory societal‐level analysis, aggregated GC functioned as an informative ecological indicator, appearing more prominent in the Global South societies across the sample. This preliminary pattern is probably attributable to the open system where GC is measured, reflecting the hopes and aspirations of people in the making.

Public Choice

Correction: Pension’s resource-time trade-off: the role of inequalities in the design of retirement schemes
Renaud BourlĂšs, Santiago LĂłpez-Cantor
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Compatibility paradox: impossibilities in Shapley-based committee selection
Yusuke Kamishiro
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Why chief executives (dis)obey the law
Daniel A. Farber, Jonathan S. Gould
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When and why will chief executives obey the law, and when and why will they violate it? This article constructs a general framework for analyzing legal (non)compliance by a rational chief executive. It evaluates benefits and costs that might result from executive lawbreaking by reference to three types of objectives that chief executives may have: policy and governance objectives, electoral and political objectives, and personal objectives. Assessing the benefits and costs of lawbreaking requires examining not only the chief executive but also how other actors respond to lawbreaking, including legislatures, courts, civil servants, and market actors. Additional factors, such as the chief executive’s discount rate and risk tolerance, also bear on benefits and costs. Understanding the determinants of executive obedience or disobedience generates both hypotheses for further research and a potential reform agenda for those worried about executive lawbreaking.

The Journal of Politics

External Threats and Support for Military Service under Authoritarian Rule
Roya Izadi
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Gender, Ethnicity, and Intersectionality: Double-Minorities in Asian Cabinets
Keith Padraic Chew, Amy H. Liu
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Left Behind or Left Ahead? Implications of Male Migration on Female Political Engagement
Rithika Kumar
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The Contemporary Landscape of Gendered Personality Traits
Sarah Shair-Rosenfield, Melody E. Valdini
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Gendered Barriers to Entry: Responses to Requests for State Legislative Internships
Hans J. G. Hassell, Joshua McCrain, Matthew R. Miles
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Race, Gender, and Public Opinion Toward Black Female Political Elites
Sydney Carr
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Making Time to Be Informed: The Child Penalty in Political News Consumption
MĂłnica FerrĂ­n Pereira, Gema GarcĂ­a-Albacete, Irene SĂĄnchez-VĂ­tores
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Who Benefits? How Gender Shapes the Perceived Deservingness of Welfare Claimants
Dot Sawler
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Historical Family Types and Female Political Representation: Persistence and Change
Aina Gallego, Didac Queralt, Ana Tur-Prats
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Crossing the District Line: Border Mismatch and Targeted Redistribution
Allison Stashko
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Tutelary Power and Autocratic Legitimacy: Experimental Evidence from Kazakhstan’s Diarchy
Masaaki Higashijima, Yuki Shiraito
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Intersectional Threat: How Race, Gender, and Sexuality Shape Black Americans’ Perspectives on Policing
Jenn M. Jackson
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Special Interest Trade-Offs: Campaign Finance Reforms and Religious Influence in Politics in Brazil
Melani Cammett, Lucas M. Novaes, Guadalupe Tuñón
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Socialization, Self-Selection, and the Life Experiences of World Leaders: Why Business Experience Influences Defense Spending
Matthew Fuhrmann, James D. Kim
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Conversations with a Concern-Addressing Chatbot Increased COVID-19 Vaccination Intentions Among Social Media Users in Kenya and Nigeria
Leah R. Rosenzweig, Molly Offer-Westort
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Electoral Predictors of Polling Errors
Sina Chen, John Körtner, Jens Wiederspohn, Peter Selb
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A Global Scale of Economic Left–Right Party Positions: Cross-National and Cross-Expert Perceptions of Party Placements
NicolĂĄs de la Cerda, Ryan Bakker, Seth Jolly, Jonathan Polk, Ruth Dassonneville, Jelle Koedam, Patrick Leslie, Jill Sheppard, Roi Zur
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Demanding Violence, Punishing Peace: Support for Party Violence in India
Ursula Daxecker, Neeraj Prasad
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Family Ties as Corporate Power
Pablo BalĂĄn, Juan Dodyk, Ignacio Puente
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Fundraising Events and Nonideological Donation Motivations
Sean Kates, Sebastian Thieme
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Editor’s Choice: Measuring Candidate Quality Using Local Newspaper Endorsements
Kevin DeLuca
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Can Simple Language Affect Voters’ Political Knowledge and Their Beliefs About Politicians?
Daniel Bischof, Roman Senninger
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Out-Group Avoidance
Chagai M. Weiss, Alexandra Siegel, Alexandra Scacco
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Do Voters Value Relief over Preparedness? Evidence from Disaster Policies in Malawi
Felix Hartmann
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When Do Citizens Resist the Use of AI Algorithms in Public Policy? Theory and Evidence
Shir Raviv
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Donors and Dollars: Comparing the Policy Views of Donors and the Affluent
Michael Barber, Brandice Canes-Wrone, Joshua Clinton, Gregory Huber
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Can Citizen Pressure Be Induced to Improve Public Service Provision?
Pia J. Raffler, Daniel N. Posner, Doug Parkerson
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The Right Kind of (Gay) Man? Sexuality, Gender Presentation, and Heteronormative Constraints on Electability
Martin Naunov
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Oppression Beyond Plantations: The Effect of Emancipation on Incarceration in Urban Buenos Aires
Valentín Figueroa, Guadalupe Tuñón
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Express Yourself (Ideologically): Legislators’ Ideal Points Across Audiences
SoRelle W. Gaynor, Kristina C. Miler, Pranav Goel, Alexander M. Hoyle, Philip Resnik
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