I checked 18 political science journals on Wednesday, September 02, 2026 using the Crossref API. For the period August 26 to September 01, I found 57 new paper(s) in 12 journal(s).

American Journal of Political Science

The territorial rights of wild animals: Justification
Pablo P. Castello
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Territorial rights (TR) have become foundational in normative political theory, addressing pressing questions about boundary drawing, governance, and resource use. Influential TR theorists Cara Nine and Margaret Moore justify humans’ TR based on the functional, social, and identity‐anchored normative significance of non‐substitutable places. However, these arguments treat animals as resources, excluding them from normative consideration and political standing. This article analyzes Nine and Moore's arguments to assess whether their justificatory logic applies to wild animals. Using mule deers as a case study, I test whether they have sufficiently weighty interests in occupancy, residency, resource use, and control to ground duties on humans and whether TR theories should continue to treat animals as mere natural resources.
Partisan bias in a sorted party system: A problem of epistemic inequality
Justin Pottle
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Normative and empirical scholars typically treat partisans’ distrust of their political rivals as a product of individual cognitive biases. But even if bias is inevitable, it is parties’ coalition‐building and messaging strategies that determine who bias is directed toward. This paper argues that the social sorting of party conflict exacerbates the epistemic and democratic harm of partisan distrust by generating distinctive patterns of epistemic inequality. I show that when voters associate parties with particular social groups, members of those groups suffer greater risk of testimonial injustice and related credibility deficits owing to their perceived partisanship. These dynamics are most damaging for members of marginalized groups, as party–group overlap can reinforce the prejudices they already face. Addressing these harms, I argue, requires looking beyond individual partisans to the background features of party systems that shape how elites mobilize group identities and animus in the struggle for office.

American Political Science Review

Measuring Partisanship and Representation in Online Congressional Communications
MICHAEL KISTNER, MICHAEL HESELTINE, ROBERT ALVAREZ, MAYA FITCH, LUCAS LOTHAMER, ELIZABETH SIMAS
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Social media and the internet have created new ways for representatives to communicate. How have members of Congress responded to these opportunities? We introduce a multi-platform dataset of congressional communications extending back to the onset of the social media era. Using computational language processing, we classify approximately 4.7 million tweets, 2.4 million Facebook posts, and 184,000 email newsletters authored by members of Congress between 2009 and 2022 based on intended purpose, and scale the partisanship of each message along a continuous left–right dimension. After validation, we demonstrate how our data can be used to study partisanship and representation in the contemporary Congress. Importantly, our data show congressional rhetoric has become more partisan and negative as social media usage has increased. We identify one potential mechanism contributing to this trend: partisanship and negativity receive inflated levels of positive engagement on social media relative to other forms of messaging like credit claiming or constituency service.
Are Voters Myopic or Looking for Improvement?
MARKUS PRIOR, TALBOT M. ANDREWS
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Timing of valence outcomes plays an important role in key theories of electoral choice, and different models place different emphases on past and future outcomes. Whereas sanctioning models consider only retrospective evaluations as an accountability mechanism, selection models hold that voters use past and proposed future conditions to infer the incumbent’s ability to deliver benefits. Drawing on four surveys run on six different samples, we demonstrate that voters prefer improving conditions in both retrospection and prospection. In retrospection, this pattern is difficult to distinguish from overweighting of temporally proximate conditions, which gave rise to the notion of “the myopic voter.” Distinguishing the two processes, we find that people do not ignore early datapoints and reward improving conditions (in both retrospection and prospection). This preference for improvement does not simply reflect an uncritical heuristic for upward trends. People are not universally myopic and many genuinely value improving aggregate conditions retrospectively and prospectively.

Electoral Studies

The impact of using a voting advice application on young voters’ motivation to turn out: A randomized survey experiment and observational panel study
Jonas Lefevere, Joke Matthieu, Laura Jacobs
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The nature of party cues: A theoretical and empirical investigation
Josefine Magnusson, Mattias Agerberg
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Votes against voting: Recall escalation as behavioural evidence of electoral (mis)confidence in Taiwan’s “Great Recall”
Edward Jiru Zeng
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When loneliness becomes political. Voting for the AfD in the 2025 German federal election
Anna-Sophie Heinze, Marcel Lewandowsky
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What harm do inappropriate emotional displays by political leaders cause? Evidence from an unexpected event during survey design
Jan Berz, L. Constantin Wurthmann
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European Journal of Political Research

Get out to deliberate (GOTD): Door-to-door canvassing to improve civic engagement
Katy Tabero, Zohreh Khoban, Paolo Spada, Rafael Mestre, Matt Ryan
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Several decades of experimentation have found that ‘Get-Out-the-Vote’ (GOTV) campaigns can effectively increase voter turnout. Yet, little has been said about the ability of similar-style campaigns to encourage participation in other types of civic engagement, such as citizens’ assemblies, which require much higher levels of commitment. Furthermore, although studies have found general support for citizens’ assemblies, willingness to participate is higher amongst those already more politically engaged and with higher levels of education, presenting a challenge to claims surrounding legitimacy and representation. In this article, we conduct a GOTV-style field experiment, complemented by a doorstep survey, to increase and understand perspectives towards registration for the 2023 Southampton Citizens’ Climate Assembly. We find that canvassing can be an effective method for increasing registration, including from under-represented groups. However, there are considerable barriers to participation, particularly the level of commitment, personal interest, and concerns about impact, which limit recruitment efforts.
Populism, radicalism, and protest mobilization by parties in Europe
Leonhard Schmidt, Bruno Castanho Silva
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As European democracies struggle with a ‘crisis of representation’, populist parties appear to be instrumental in channeling popular discontent with governments across the continent, including through protests. While contemporary theories propose a strong connection between populism and protest mobilization, this has seldom been tested in a comparative perspective. At the same time, research has found that radical parties are more likely to mobilize for protests, and those parties are often also populist. We empirically disentangle these relationships with a comprehensive dataset of 4.8 million Facebook posts by all active sitting MPs in all EU27 national parliaments plus the UK between 2018 and 2023, using large language models to identify protest-related posts and those that announce protest events. Findings show that it is particularly radical parties mobilizing their followers, with populism itself having little additional explanatory power. This is the first cross-national, longitudinal evaluation of a much-touted theoretical connection between populist parties and protest mobilization, finding that it appears smaller and more conditional than prior research proposed.
The rhetoric of responsibility in party manifestos (1980–2021)
Andrea Ceron, Alessio Scopelliti
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Focusing on the responsibility–responsiveness dilemma, we analyze responsibility rhetoric (defined as the emphasis on elements such as national solidarity, the public interest, and public-spiritedness), hypothesizing that it is used by parties moderating their policy positions, to justify deviations from their traditional standpoints, as well as by large incumbent parties seeking to claim credit for their responsible actions. In contrast, populist and niche parties, which prioritize responsiveness, are expected to avoid such rhetoric. We apply the manifestoberta Large Language Model (LLM) to classify natural sentences from up to 1,927 party manifestos (1980–2021), covering 38 countries worldwide, into the traditional MARPOR/Comparative Manifesto Project (CMP) coding categories. We then adopt two methods, a semisupervised Latent Dirichlet allocation topic model (Seeded-LDA) and the OpenAI GPT-4o-mini LLM, to refine one of these categories by selecting only those sentences that align with our concept of responsibility rhetoric. The results of statistical analysis support our hypotheses and are robust across different operationalizations of the dependent variable.

Party Politics

Book Review: Retreat or Survival? Party Roots and Representation KuoDidi, The Great Retreat: How Political Parties Should Behave and Why They Don't. New York: Oxford University Press, 2025. $31.99 (hbk), 224 pp. ISBN 978-0-19-766419-3.
Muhammad Hassan Bin Afzal
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Community-minded communists: A field experiment on party member propensity for community activism in rural Vietnam
Paul Schuler, Eitan Paul, Quynh Nguyen, Markus Taussig, Mai Truong
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In single-party and dominant-party regimes, do party members and non-party members at the grassroots level respond differently to party-linked collective action? This paper examines how different framings of party-linked collective action shape participation among party members and non-party members in Vietnam – one of the world’s most enduring single-party regimes – using a preregistered field experiment involving more than 7000 rural women. Contrary to assumptions that party members engage in party-linked collective action for selective or ideological reasons, we find that party members are also more responsive to collective, community-oriented framings. Using a field experiment and interviews, we show that grassroots party members are more community-minded than their non-party counterparts. These findings suggest that, in addition to careerism or ideological loyalty in authoritarian party membership, altruistic and community-minded engagement is an important additional dimension. The presence of community-oriented grassroots party members has important implications for the legitimacy and durability of dominant-party regimes.
Different baselines, different outcomes: Reassessing the representative promise of within-party sortition
Robert Rosenberg
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Cowley, Webb and Bale’s critique of within-party sortition argues that lotteries among party members cannot produce a socially representative UK Parliament because party memberships are unrepresentative. Drawing on Party Members Project data, they show that random selection would produce only mixed improvements in descriptive representation. While their empirical contribution is significant, this article argues that the broader sceptical conclusion rests on a narrow modelling baseline. Cowley et al. effectively test only one institutional configuration—unstratified random selection from static party memberships—while extrapolating broader claims about sortition as a reform. This article develops three lines of critique. First, their simulations treat party membership as exogenous and unaffected by institutional change, ignoring evidence that candidate selection rules shape recruitment and participation. Second, their analysis evaluates only a single design variant, despite evidence that modern lottery-based institutions employ stratification and corrective mechanisms. Third, their evaluation relies on implicit ‘mirror of society’ standards without specifying formal metrics for aggregating representational trade-offs. Drawing on scholarship on sortition, deliberative democracy, and party organisation, the article proposes a dynamic and design-sensitive framework for evaluating within-party lotteries. Once alternative institutional baselines are considered, the representational potential of within-party sortition appears considerably less constrained than Cowley et al.’s analysis suggests.
How preferential voting and party ideology shape campaign-focus in proportional electoral systems
Julius Lehtinen, Mikko Mattila, Åsa von Schoultz
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While electoral systems shape candidates’ incentives to cultivate personal reputations, institutional rules do not translate mechanically into campaign behaviour. We argue that both electoral institutions and ideological traditions shape campaign strategies: ideological traditions influence both the attractiveness of candidate-centred appeals and how strongly candidates respond to institutional incentives. We present the first large cross-national test of their joint influence, using data from 37 elections in 16 countries under proportional representation. We show that candidate-centred campaigning is more prevalent in open list systems, but that this institutional effect is not uniform. Candidates from leftleaning parties are more party-centred, and the personalising effect of open lists is weaker among them than among candidates from right leaning parties. These findings show that the consequences of electoral reform depend on the normative and strategic contexts in which parties operate.
Re-electing the party leader: The 2024 PASOK contest
Panos Koliastasis, Andrew Denham
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This article examines leadership contests in European mainstream parties confronting electoral decline and attempting to restore competitiveness. Focusing on this broader phenomenon, it analyses incumbent leaders seeking renewed mandates through open primary elections in such contexts. The article applies Stark’s (1996) selection criteria (‘acceptability’, ‘electability’ and ‘competence’) to the 2024 Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) leadership contest in Greece as a demanding empirical and methodological setting: an incumbent leader seeking re-election through a competitive open primary within a recovery major party after only limited electoral improvement. Drawing on candidates’ speeches, press reports, official results and polling indicators mapped onto Stark’s criteria, the study evaluates party members’ and supporters’ perceptions of the main contenders. The findings show that the incumbent leader, Nikos Androulakis, led his opponents on all three criteria and suggest that incumbent re-election in recovery major parties is broadly consistent with Stark’s model when electability is interpreted as credible electoral recovery and unity concerns stem from strategic rather than ideological conflict.

Political Behavior

Cool Citizens? How Affectively Unpolarized Citizens View and Participate in Democracy
Peter Luca Versteegen, Joseph B. Phillips, Lilliana Mason
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Does affective polarization change how citizens view and participate in democracy? We posit that the answer to this crucial question depends on how affectively un polarized citizens view and participate in democracy. Yet, the most common operationalization of affective polarization––measuring sympathy ratings for one party relative to another––does not differentiate between people’s absolute sympathy ratings for the parties, which may mask essential heterogeneity among unpolarized citizens. This paper theorizes the methodological origin of this heterogeneity, describes it, and highlights its implications. Cluster analyses and regressions from three nationally representative surveys in the US provide three conclusions. First, substantial shares of the US population are affectively un polarized. Second, unpolarized citizens cluster into two groups: one feeling lukewarm and one feeling cold toward both parties. Third, these unpolarized groups report diverging democratic attitudes and participation patterns. We discuss the methodological implications and the need for future research on affectively unpolarized citizens.
Outgroup Empathy and Opposition to Restrictive Voting Laws
Cigdem V. Sirin, Nicholas A. Valentino, José D. Villalobos
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Coincidental Representation: How Congruence and Influence shape Public Satisfaction with Government
Ruben B. Mathisen
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Political Geography

Generic title: Not a research article
Corrigendum to “Moving peace forward: Negotiating freedom of movement in peace processes” [Polit. Geogr. 130 (2026) / 103609]
Emilian Berutti, Janek Bruker, Allard Duursma, Valentin Felix Geier
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Within and beyond the national identity? ‘Post-hill tribe’ Hmong political subjectivities in northern Thailand
Jennifer C. Langill
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Imagining infrastructure, Encountering friction: Green hydrogen development in Morocco and Namibia
Silvia Danielak, Meredith McKittrick
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Sovereignty in Motion: Militarization and the re-making of territory within the post-socialist Yugoslav space
Ruth Trumble
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Bordering standards: The politics of verifying the Korean military demarcation line
Junsoo Kim
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Building a dam without water? Unraveling paradoxes and modernization discourses in Morocco, the case of El Hajeb Province (SaĂŻss Plain, Morocco)
Imane Messaoudi, Christian Bréthaut
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A place for extremism: Nativist grievance, frustrated expectations, and the spatial dynamics of the global city
Tahir Abbas
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Food as necropolitics: The starvation of Palestinian sovereignty and stakes of geopolitical ecology
Garrett Graddy-Lovelace, Malini Ranganathan
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Moving peace forward: Negotiating freedom of movement in peace processes
Emilian Berutti, Janek Bruker, Allard Duursma, Valentin Felix Geier
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The border security economy in the English Channel: Small boats, racism and late imperialism
Joe Turner, Arshad Isakjee, Lucy Mayblin, Thom Davies, Tesfalem Habte Yemane
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The politics of protection: Agricultural planning, legitimacy, and dissent in Richmond, Canada
Colin Dring, Lenore Newman, Hannah Wittman
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Mapping racial voting patterns: Using RPV dispersion plots to measure and visualize voting rights evidence
Ananya Hariharan, Matt A. Barreto, Chad W. Dunn
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Migration and the metropole: The United Kingdom's colonial use of the offshore to externalize and manage migration
Kate Motluk
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Ambient water weaponisation: The permeation of violence in the hydrosphere
Jeremy J. Schmidt, Cameron Harrington
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“Historically Russian land”. The Russian pedagogies of spatial continuity in geographical textbooks
Sofia Gavrilova
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Interrogating temporary labour migration schemes: A multiscalar perspective on institutional precarity
Ioana Jipa-MuƟat, Nicola Piper
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Defending water, defending place: Water insecurity and neighbour-based organising in Mexico City's popular neighbourhoods
Andrés Emiliano Sierra Martínez
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Stolen and hidden [Ostutako Paisaiak].The material footprint of the Anthropocene on the Biscayan coast
Arantzazu Luzarraga Iturrioz
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Realising South Africa's green hydrogen proposition: Finance and its implications for a just transition
Amanda-Leigh O'Connell
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Indigenous struggle, oil extraction and the rights of nature: The case of the Marañón River, Peru
Mirella Pretell, Tom Perreault
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A Postcolonial Schmitt? Ontology, ethnography, and “more-than-liberal” democracy
Benedikt Korf, Stephan Hochleithner
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Uneven territorial sponsorship: NGOs and ancestral recognition in inter-indigenous territorial disputes in Amazonia
Angus Lyall, Tod Swanson
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Political Science Research and Methods

When habit prevails: a causal test of policy feedback theory using a pension reform
Michael Ganslmeier, Margaryta Klymak, Tim Vlandas
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Elderly voters are a growing, politically powerful electoral bloc, and their pensions often constitute the largest component of welfare state. We know that cuts can provoke electoral backlash, but it is less clear whether benefit expansions mobilize retirees. Some policy feedback theories predict increased participation following material gains, but recent evidence on policy expansions is mixed. While income and political participation appear correlated among the elderly, habit formation theory implies that older voters may be a least likely case for benefit expansion leading to mobilization. Leveraging a pension reform in Illinois that increased benefits by 36% for retirees, a regression discontinuity design on administrative data covering 93,000 public employees across twelve elections shows no turnout effect, even among low-income groups.
Echoes of conflict: quantifying redundancy in fatality time series
Thomas Schincariol, Thomas Chadefaux
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Do wars follow predictable patterns, or are they chaotic and inherently unpredictable? We explore this question by quantifying temporal redundancy—how often similar patterns recur—in conflict-related fatalities. Using entropy-based analysis—a measure of randomness—and Dynamic Time Warping, we compare conflict dynamics with other complex systems such as seismology and finance. Our findings reveal that the dynamics of fatalities within conflicts exhibit high levels of entropy: they are largely unpredictable. Conflicts generally display higher entropy than climate or earthquake data, which highlights the challenges of predictive modeling. Moreover, conflict patterns are not region- or decade-specific, which suggests a degree of universality. Our framework distinguishes stable from chaotic phases in conflict dynamics and clarifies where forecasting is feasible.
High accuracy with low costs: the pretrain-finetune paradigm for classification with transformer-based language models
Cecilia Y. Sui
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Political science increasingly uses text classification to gauge subtle concepts such as toxicity or anger. Traditional methods treat words in isolation, overlooking the contextual dynamics where meaning resides. Transformer-based language models address these limitations but remain underutilized, especially among applied scholars, partly due to misconceptions about their mechanisms and computational requirements. This article bridges this gap by offering an accessible explication of the pretrain-finetune paradigm, focusing on underlying mechanisms and their potential to improve political text analysis by harnessing models trained on extensive datasets while requiring modest labeled data and computational resources. I demonstrate the approach by identifying toxic language in conversation threads following U.S. Senators’ tweets and provide an online tutorial to support nontechnical scholars in adopting the methodology.
Just to be clear? Strategic vagueness of the European Parliament in EU policy negotiations
Aleksandra Khokhlova, Nikoleta Yordanova, Anastasia Ershova
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Vague legislative language can facilitate law adoption and implementation but reduce policy effectiveness and application uniformity. So, when do legislators employ it? Building on policymaking and responsiveness theories, we argue that legislators use vague language to overcome institutional conflict and public opinion constraints but avoid it when they seek to assert their positions in legislative output and policy outcomes. Empirically, we study the conditions under which the European Parliament (EP) introduces vague amendments to European Union (EU) legislative proposals using dictionary-based content analysis of EU legislative negotiations between 2009 and 2019. The results show that EP sticks to more concrete positions when inter-institutional conflict threatens its policy goals but employs vagueness to maintain a broad appeal and avoid public backlash given public opinion divisions and contentiousness. These results add to our knowledge of legal text formulation, EU law making, and EP representation.
Does preference intensity matter? Reexamining policy representation in the American states
Zachary Peskowitz, Eddy S. F. Yeung
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Preference intensity may play an important role in shaping mass political behavior, yet existing empirical scholarship on representation typically relies on survey measures that capture public opinion in terms of preference directionality without intensity. We use a variety of measures—not only the standard Likert and “most important policy” items but also the quadratic voting method—to reassess responsiveness and congruence of a diverse set of American state policies that vary in issue areas and salience. Across multiple novel measures of individual policy preferences, we consistently find that state-level preference intensity does not reliably predict actual policy outcomes. We contribute new evidence that the lack of policy representation in the American states remains—even if preference intensity is systematically integrated into the empirical analysis.

PS: Political Science & Politics

Where Are the Most Influential Articles in Political Science Published?
Logan Strother
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Where are the most influential articles in political science published? Drawing on citation data from the Web of Science, this article identifies the most-cited political science journal articles each decade from the 1940s through the 2020s. The results depict a changing discipline: the American Political Science Review still leads the field, but its once-dominant position has attenuated as a wider range of journals have become homes for highly cited work. Methodological papers now account for a substantial share of the discipline’s most influential research, reflecting the growing centrality of technical innovation.

Public Choice

Populism and academic freedom
Rui Silva
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Academic freedom empowers scholars to influence public discourse and debate, cultivate critical reasoning, discuss ideas that challenge traditional values, and impose a soft check and balance on governments. For those reasons, governments have specific preferences regarding the extent of academic freedom, especially when led by populists, whose ideology, values, and strategic features are frequently at odds with the implications of this freedom. Using a quasi-experimental design, we confirm that academic freedom declines significantly under populist governments, a pattern largely independent of their host ideology. Those negative consequences increase after multiple populist terms, and extend more broadly to the substance of speech and the flow of information. Altogether, these results highlight the incompatibility of populism with democratic guarantees.
Law enforcement with rent dissipation
Murat C. Mungan, J. Shahar Dillbary
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We consider a framework which brings together losses arising from rent-dissipation and the workhorse model of law enforcement. Governmental actors engage in a contest to share the proceeds from the enforcement of the law through monetary fines, which leads to rent-dissipation. This causes monetary sanctions to be costly, rendering the model used for studying nonmonetary sanctions a better fit for their analysis. The effect of rent-dissipation on optimal sanctions is directly related to the sanction elasticity of offenses measured at the classic optimum (i.e., where the expected sanction equals the direct harm from the offense). When offenses are inelastic, the optimal sanction is smaller than the classic optimum and it is decreasing in the degree of rent-dissipation; and a legislator who does not fully internalize contest costs chooses an overly punitive sanction which is smaller than the classic optimum. The opposite results are obtained when offenses are elastic. We discuss implications and extensions.
Beyond six versus twelve: Kian v. Florida and the design of the criminal jury
Francesco Parisi
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Gary D. Libecap, Where’s Coase? The implications of economic property rights or rent-seeking in forming institutions
Steven M. Smith
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Logrolling affects the relative performance of majority and unanimity rule
Liza Charroin, Christoph Vanberg
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We consider a committee facing binary decisions on a number of proposals. If members vote sincerely and payoffs are symmetrically distributed, we show analytically that simple majority rule is the best q-majority rule in an aggregate or expected payoff sense. We argue that this (well known) pattern changes systematically if the committee faces multiple decisions and members engage in logrolling deals. In a simulation exercise, we find that unanimity rule outperforms majority rule when the number of proposals considered is large enough. We complement our analysis with a laboratory experiment designed to investigate whether human subjects engage in the logrolling deals assumed in our simulations. We find that deals associated with large negative externalities are less likely to arise than others, as are “complex” deals involving many voters or proposals. These results suggest that the impact of logrolling on the relative performance of the decision rules considered may be mitigated by cognitive constraints and other-regarding preferences.
Gubernatorial partisanship and housing outcomes: evidence from close elections
Louis Philippe Beland, Tonghui Tian
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Quarterly Journal of Political Science

Social learning behind closed doors: evidence from seniority voting in the US Supreme Court
Gabriel Lopez-Moctezuma, Benjamin Johnson
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We analyze the implications of seniority voting on Supreme Court decision-making. We provide reduced-form evidence consistent with justices learning from the votes of their senior colleagues as determined by the voting mechanism. To explain this evidence, we develop and estimate a model of sequential voting with social learning. In the model, justices weigh spatial payoffs against the appropriateness of their disposition and consider their preferences, private information and the choices of senior justices. We recover estimates of judicial preferences, expertise and learning and use them to assess the quality of Supreme Court dispositions relative to alternative voting mechanisms. We find that the quality of the Court’s dispositions would have improved under an anti-seniority rule, in which junior justices are allowed to vote first.
Checks, Balances, and Presidential Ambitions
Christian Fong, Kenneth Lowande, Ayse Eldes
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This study investigates the relationship between running for president and members’ contributions to the core legislative functions that impact Congress’s standing relative to the presidency. This study finds some evidence that ambitious legislators attend roll call votes and oversight hearings at lower rates, but at the same time, they are more legislatively productive, conduct just as much informal oversight and are equally informational in their public oversight. When Congress votes on an issue that affects the balance of power between Congress and the president, they are more likely to side with Congress than legislators without presidential ambitions are. These behavioral differences persist even after their presidential runs, which suggests they are not driven by a strategic effort to audition for the presidency.

The Journal of Politics

Politicians and Daughters: A Large-Sample Preregistered Multiverse Test
Anna Dreber Almenberg, Magnus Johannesson, Jaakko Pekka MerilÀinen, Janne Tukiainen
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On Republican Domination: Weibo as History and Concept
Shoufu Yin
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