I checked 18 political science journals on Wednesday, July 22, 2026 using the Crossref API. For the period July 15 to July 21, I found 30 new paper(s) in 11 journal(s).

American Journal of Political Science

Electoral contests over voter beliefs
Dan Alexander, Alexander Evert
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Voter perceptions of candidates are the substrate on which campaigns act. It is costly, however, for voters to devote enough attention to politics to change their own perceptions of candidates. This paper views campaigns—and the time, effort, and money they expend—as subsidizing rationally inattentive voters' adoption of new beliefs about candidate platforms. We employ an all‐pay contest to model costly competition over voter perceptions. In our baseline model, campaigns seek to improve perceptions of their own candidates. In a variant, candidates engage in negative campaigning. Among other results, we observe platform divergence under more reasonable informational assumptions than previous spatial models, replacing candidate uncertainty about voters with voter uncertainty about candidates. This model serves as a bridge between behavioral research on campaigns and theoretical literature on elections, offering a richer set of empirical predictions while preserving the insights of the canonical Downsian framework as a limiting case.
Contesting repression in divided democracies: Can counternarratives reduce support for police violence?
Yanilda MarĂ­a GonzĂĄlez, NatĂĄn Skigin
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Democracies often struggle to contain police violence, which undermines the rule of law and reproduces inequality by targeting marginalized citizens. Yet, scholars have shown that repressive policing enjoys considerable public support. Focusing on Brazil, we demonstrate that attitudes toward police violence mirror polarization between left‐ and right‐wing voters, and investigate how competing narratives change attitudes toward police violence through multiple mechanisms. We argue that marginalized victims’ counternarratives can counteract police discourses justifying violence through perspective‐getting, enabling citizens to hear about the experiences of stigmatized groups. Using a nationwide survey experiment, we find that although police narratives increase endorsement of lethal violence, statements from victims’ mothers emphasizing innocence and disadvantage reduce support for police killings—even among right‐wing voters—by increasing empathy and reducing victim‐blaming. We demonstrate that, even in deeply unequal and polarized democracies where exclusionary attitudes align with entrenched ideological divides, counternarratives from marginalized groups can shape public attitudes toward injustices.

American Political Science Review

Rebel Victory and Authoritarian (Dis)Order
KILLIAN CLARKE, ANNE MENG, JACK PAINE
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Many authoritarian regimes originating in violent rebellion are exceptionally durable. Yet others collapse quickly after their birth. We argue that the structure of the founding rebellion explains these divergent trajectories by shaping power-sharing dynamics in the new regime and the nature of conflict recurrence. Regimes founded by unified rebellions (single armed group) usually become highly durable autocracies because their members can credibly share power within the same armed organization. By contrast, regimes founded by fractured rebellions (multiple armed groups) often fail quickly because armed rivals must attempt to share power across their organizations, prompting defections and recurrent rebellions. Empirically, we support these arguments by analyzing originally compiled data on every regime founded by successful rebellion worldwide from 1900 to 2020. Neither alternative rebellion characteristics, like social revolution or leftist ideology, nor country-level factors can explain why rebel regimes follow divergent trajectories.

British Journal of Political Science

When Legislators Do Not Differentiate: A Field Experiment on British MPs’ Responses to Constituent Policy Queries
Daniel Bischof, Vanessa Cheng-Matsuno, Gidon Cohen, Sarah Cohen, Florian Foos, Patrick M Kuhn, Kyriaki Nanou, Neil Visalvanich, Nick Vivyan
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How do legislators respond to constituent policy queries? Existing research suggests that legislators vary their responsiveness and tailor response content depending on constituent congruence, raising normative concerns about legislator–constituent communication. We report results from a pre-registered audit study of UK MPs which is the first to test whether legislators in party-centred parliamentary democracies vary substantive response rates and content depending on constituent–party policy congruence. We theorise that electoral incentives lead MPs to respond more to congruent constituents, and to place more emphasis on self over party when doing so. Our audit study uses real constituents as confederates, allowing better measurement of substantive responses. We find little evidence that constituent–party congruence affects MPs’ responsiveness or the personal versus party emphasis of their replies. These null findings refine understanding of legislator behaviour in parliamentary systems and are normatively encouraging regarding the role that legislator–constituent policy communications can play in parliamentary democracies.

Electoral Studies

From instability to hostility: Coalition collapse and affective polarization
Felix Hormig, Cyrill Otteni
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Election salience revisited: How elections (do not) boost affective polarization
Bjarn Eck, Elie Michel
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European Journal of Political Research

The democratic ideal under stress: Citizen commitment to democratic rights and procedures in challenging times
Christian Rauh, Heiko Giebler, Jan Paul Heisig, Johannes Gerschewski, Jianghong Li
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To what extent do citizens support democratic rights and procedures in the face of major societal challenges? Drawing on a Dahlian ideal of democracy, we exploit the context of the Covid-19 pandemic to address this question with two preregistered survey experiments covering 9,000 respondents in six countries (Germany, Hungary, Japan, Poland, South Korea, and Spain). A conjoint experiment on preferences for pandemic policies reveals that citizens strongly oppose restrictions that interfere with their private lives but are largely indifferent to constraints on core democratic rights (elections, rallies, freedom of the press). A framing experiment assessing citizens’ procedural preferences, elicited using best-worst scaling, shows that expert and business input are consistently ranked higher than parliamentary votes or partisan consensus – regardless of whether Covid-19, climate change, or generic ‘societal challenges’ are at stake. We discuss alternative readings of our results and conclude that commitment to democracy does not appear particularly robust when citizens confront concrete crisis-related trade-offs, with largely similar patterns across countries. While our findings diverge from those of some other experimental studies, they are broadly consistent with accounts that point to rising technocratic preferences, concerns about stealth democracy, and risks of gradual democratic erosion rather than abrupt autocratic shifts.
Political power and the global expansion of the value-added tax
Guy Heilbrun
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How does political power shape tax collection? This article addresses this question by focusing on the most prominent fiscal phenomenon of the recent decades – the rise of the value-added tax (VAT). Drawing on insights from the political economy literature, I test the argument that governments with strong legislative support raise more revenues from the VAT as an effective tool to improve public finances in the short term. Results from a global sample of democracies between 1990 and 2020 provide support for this argument. The effect is particularly pronounced among developing countries, where the VAT is often the tax type that accounts for the largest share of public revenues. These findings illustrate the role of domestic political dynamics in shaping the rise of the VAT to its status as a primary revenue source for the modern tax state.
The online transnationalisation of populist radical right publics
Francesco Vittonetto
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International cooperation between radical right populists has escalated over the last decade as parties and leaders worldwide increasingly establish formal and informal connections. Although studies have investigated the role of populist radical right parties (PRRPs) in transnationalisation processes, we know little about the transnationalisation of their online audiences, who are key to amplifying the circulation of PRR narratives across countries. This article therefore addresses the following research question: Which factors explain transnational online engagement with PRR communications? I argue that their digital publics play a role in constructing a transnational network for the PRR, facilitated by online spaces. I hypothesise that engagement varies according to party strategies, platform architectures, and linguistic and geographical factors. To investigate my research question, I analyse YouTube data from 2016 to 2024 of nine PRRPs in eight countries across three continents – the Americas, Europe, and Oceania. Using content and social network analysis, I find transnational engagement is on the rise, that it intensifies around public joint appearances of PRR actors from various countries, and is driven by language and content popularity. These results indicate that transnationalisation is not only catalysed by party elites but is shaped from below and by the architecture of digital platforms amidst a complex interplay of grassroots activity, algorithmic visibility, and party communications.
Occupational labor markets, skills, and immigration concerns: Panel data evidence for Germany
Josep Serrano-Serrat
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Economic crises, technological change, and labor market transformations have long shaped political attitudes, particularly toward immigration. While existing research links occupational risks to anti-immigration preferences, which specific occupations drive this relationship remains underexplored. This research note addresses this gap by examining how occupation-specific skills (OSS) – defined as the amount of skills required to work in a given occupation – moderate the relationship between occupational labor market conditions and immigration attitudes. Drawing on sociological and comparative political economy perspectives, the paper argues that individuals with high levels of OSS are especially sensitive to deterioration in their occupation’s labor market conditions. The central theoretical implication is that adverse changes in occupational labor markets generate stronger political anti-immigration reactions among high-OSS workers, including Managers and (Associate) Professionals. Importantly, OSS are conceptually distinct from other occupational dimensions used in the literature, such as task specificity, and from other skill dimensions, such as general skill. The empirical analysis draws on over 20 years of longitudinal data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP), finding evidence consistent with the argument. The findings contribute to ongoing debates about the political behavior of high-skilled workers, a group whose attitudes toward immigration remain contested.
Fair enough? Citizens’ preferences on refugee distribution in the EU
Philipp Lutz, Ben Crum
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How should asylum seekers be distributed across EU member states? And can EU citizens agree on the principles underlying such distribution? While scholars have proposed various fairness principles – such as allocation based on population size, wealth, or past intake – we know little about which principles citizens support. Using an original population survey in six EU member states, this study examines public preferences for distributive fairness in asylum governance. We find widespread dissatisfaction with the status quo of large asymmetries in refugee numbers and broad support for European responsibility sharing based on fair distribution. However, there are significant differences between member states in the principles that citizens support, and these preferences are also affected by the principles that would keep the number of refugees in their own country at a minimum. These findings suggest that while there is a transnational consensus on the need to move to a fairer distribution of refugees in the EU, its practical operationalisation reveals the deeper political divides on the matter.

Political Behavior

Descriptive and Substantive Representation in Single-Party Legislatures: Evidence from China
Chuanmin Chen
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Fearing Not Belonging: How Local Attitudes and Policies Shape Refugees’ Destination Preferences
Sefa Secen, Sevinç ÖztĂŒrk, Aykut ÖztĂŒrk
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Electoral Alliances and Spatial Patterns of Vote: Evidence from Brazilian Local Elections
Gabriel C. Caseiro
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Political Geography

The gaps on our maps
Olivier Walther, Steven Radil
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Land matters, gender, and de facto authority in (un)expected places
Caitlin Ryan
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European strategic antinomy
Benjamin Herborth
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A land between solid and fluid: Situating permafrost within more-than-human geopolitics
Vincent Roderic Hansmann, Jason Dittmer
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Midstream geopolitics: Processing power in critical mineral supply chains
Raphael Deberdt, Philippe Le Billon, Jessica DiCarlo
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Matterialising grassroots hydrosocial territories: Visualising and politically reframing what matters in the upper Yanuncay River, Ecuador
Catalina Rey-HernĂĄndez, Jaime Hoogesteger, Rutgerd Boelens
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Mapping ocean worlds through the data revolution
Emily C. Melvin, Ana Zurita Posas, Gabrielle Carmine, Elizabeth Havice, Lisa M. Campbell
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Political Psychology

No fear needed when trust runs deep: The interplay of risk perception and institutional integrity shapes vaccination
Magali Beylat, Fanny Lalot, Maarten Vansteenkiste, Joachim Waterschoot, Olivier Klein, Vincent Yzerbyt
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Understanding the psychological determinants of vaccination behavior remains a key challenge for public health. In two studies conducted in Belgium during the COVID‐19 pandemic, we examined how risk perception and trust in the government interact to predict vaccination intention (Study 1) and vaccine uptake (Study 2). People's trust rests on their evaluation of the target's trustworthiness. In the present studies, we considered three components of trustworthiness: integrity, benevolence, and ability. We found that integrity was the component most strongly associated with vaccination. In addition, our results show that risk perception does not only add up to trust, and specifically its integrity component, but that these two factors interact in predicting vaccination. Specifically, either high risk perception or high integrity was sufficient to motivate vaccination, while individuals low on both were the most likely to be hesitant (consistent with a distrustful complacency hypothesis). Taken together, our findings provide a deeper understanding of the psychological mechanisms underlying vaccination. In addition, they highlight the value of adopting a multidimensional approach about trustworthiness as this points to the key role of integrity.

Political Science Research and Methods

From foe to friend? Government–opposition conflict and the appointment of cabinet ministers
Alexander Herzog, David Schmuck
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This paper introduces a dynamic theory of ministerial appointments in coalition governments, arguing that party leaders reward members of parliament (MPs) who fulfilled their expected roles in the prior government–opposition conflict. Using all speeches from the German Bundestag of six decades (1961–2021), we estimate MPs’ expressed positions on the government–opposition conflict dimension and assess their effect on cabinet selection. Contrary to the expectation that party leaders prefer moderate ministers to foster cooperation, we find that more loyal MPs—strong government defenders or fierce critics—are more likely to be appointed. These findings highlight how past parliamentary behavior affects future cabinet formation and suggest that ministerial appointments are shaped by partisan loyalty and role fulfillment.
A principal–agent theory and network analysis of high-end cooperation among militant groups
Ilayda B. Onder
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This study develops a principal–agent theory of why armed groups engage in high-end cooperation involving training or intelligence. While such cooperation enhances capacity, it generates downstream risks. Principals mitigate these risks by selecting agents who are skill-wise complementary but politically non-substitutable. Agents accept high-end support when doing so does not leave them politically overshadowed by a dominant actor. Using original network data on 53 groups in Northeast India (1981–2021) and temporal exponential random graph models, I show that high-end cooperation is more likely in dyads characterized by organizational capacity differentials, complementary attack portfolios, and distinct constituencies. The findings recast militant alliances as products of competitive threat perception and carry broader implications for the study of multiparty conflicts.

Public Choice

Fiscal capacity and the flypaper effect
Rodrigo Saens, Paulo Cox, Carlos Villalobos
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Rule of law or rule of ties? Interregional rotation of law enforcement officials and market integration in China
Chang Xue, Sihan Chen
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The Journal of Politics

Media, Electoral Accountability, and Partisan Polarization
Daniel J. Moskowitz
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Open-Ended Survey Responses and Political Conceptualizations in a Polarized Era
Maxwell Allamong, Benjamin Beutel, Jongwoo Jeong, Paul Kellstedt
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Strategic Legislation under Weakened Judicial Review
Michael Beenstock
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Exclusion in Political Polling and Voter Demobilization: The Case of Asian Americans
Chan K. Nathan, Joyce H. Nguy
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