🗣 Communication Paper Picnic 🧺: Political Science

I checked 18 political science journals on Tuesday, November 18, 2025 using the Crossref API. For the period November 11 to November 17, I found 44 new paper(s) in 12 journal(s).

American Journal of Political Science

Why women's equal representation increases policy losers’ consent: Revisiting the double‐edged sword of procedural fairness

Mattias Agerberg, Lena Wängnerud

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Studies show that procedural fairness in the form of equal representation has the potential to increase decision legitimacy. At the same time, several studies point to potential adverse effects, where, for instance, the equal inclusion of women in decision‐making bodies might serve to legitimize anti‐feminist decisions in particular. We argue that such conclusions result from a failure to consider the importance of outcome favorability, a factor long recognized to be of crucial importance in other fields of research. We incorporate outcome favorability theoretically and empirically in several experimental studies and show that what has previously been interpreted as a “dark side” of descriptive representation, instead should be viewed as the power of fair procedures to increase losers’ consent. We contribute to the literature on representation and legitimacy and show how appropriate research design and measurement can shape substantive conclusions on high‐stakes issues.

American Political Science Review

Race, Responsiveness, and Representation in U.S. Lawmaking

G. AGUSTIN MARKARIAN, JACOB S. HACKER, MACKENZIE LOCKHART, ZOLTAN HAJNAL

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Is national policy more responsive to the preferences of white Americans than to those of people of color? To answer this fundamental question, we examine how well federal lawmaking reflects the preferences of 520,000 Black, Latino, Asian American, and white citizens from 2006 to 2022. Average racial gaps in responsiveness are small regardless of issue area. However, white voters are significantly advantaged when Republicans control the government. Respondents’ class, age, and ideology cannot explain this disparity. Respondents’ partisanship explains some, but not all, of it. To further investigate, we analyze roll call votes in Congress, focusing on the Senate—the pivotal lawmaking institution. Similar patterns emerge: Republican Senators better represent white (versus Black or Latino) constituents. Moreover, Black-white disparities are larger in states where Black Americans comprise more of the population. This suggests a role for white racial attitudes, and, indeed, we find that state-level white racial resentment predicts Black-white representational disparities.

British Journal of Political Science

Leveling and Spotlighting: How the European Court of Justice Favors the Weak to Promote Its Legitimacy

Silje Synnøve Lyder Hermansen, Tommaso Pavone, Louisa Boulaziz

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As private actors turn to international courts (ICs), we argue that judges can adopt pro-individual rights agendas to promote their own legitimacy. By leveling the odds for disempowered individuals and spotlighting their rights claims, ICs rebut charges that they are playthings of the powerful and cultivate support networks in civil society. We assess our theory by scrutinizing the first IC with private access: the European Court of Justice (ECJ). Established as an economic court and alleged to conceal a pro-business bias, we leverage original data demonstrating that the ECJ publicizes itself as protector of individuals and matches words with deeds. The ECJ ‘levels’, favoring individuals’ rights claims over claims raised by businesses boasting better legal teams. The ECJ then ‘spotlights’ pro-individual rights rulings via press releases that lawyers amplify in law journals. These findings challenge claims that ICs build legitimacy by stealth and the ‘haves’ come out ahead in litigation.

Public Support for Pro-environment and Environment-Critical Movements

Dirck De Kleer, Catherine E. De Vries, Simon van Teutem

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With environmental protests on the rise, we ask: how do they affect support for pro-environment and environment-critical movements? We answer this question using evidence from two studies—a survey experiment and media content analysis—conducted in the Netherlands, a leading country in the green transition. Our experimental findings reveal an asymmetric bias in public support for protests. For the same protest action, public support is higher for environment-critical movements compared to pro-environment ones. This bias is most pronounced among right-leaning individuals with low education and low trust in science and politics. Our content analysis traces the bias back to newspaper reporting. While attention to protest groups is balanced across tabloid and broadsheet newspapers, tabloid reporting is more negative about pro-environment movements. These results highlight an important aspect of the backlash against environmental policies: a bias against pro-environment movements within parts of the public and media.

The Consequences of Elite Action Against Elections

Rachel Porter, Jeffrey J. Harden, Emily Anderson, Géssica de Freitas, Mackenzie R. Dobson, Abigail Hemmen, Emma Schroeder

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Do governing elites who engage in undemocratic practices face accountability? We investigate whether American state legislators who publicly acted against the 2020 presidential election outcome sustained meaningful sanctions in response. We theorize that repercussions for undemocratic activities are selective – conspicuous, highly visible efforts to undermine democratic institutions face the strongest ramifications from voters, other politicians, and parties. In contrast, less prominent actions elicit weaker responses. Our empirical analyses employ novel data on state legislators’ anti-election actions and a weighting method for covariate balance to estimate the magnitude of punishments for undemocratic behavior. The results indicate heterogeneity, with the strongest consequences targeting legislators who appeared at the US Capitol on 6 January 2021, and weaker penalties for lawmakers who engaged in other forms of antagonism towards democracy. We conclude that focusing sanctions on conspicuous acts against democratic institutions could leave less apparent – but still detrimental – efforts to undermine elections unchecked, ultimately weakening democratic health.

Tariffs as Environmental Protection: Evidence from the Global South after the China Garbage Shock

Rachel L. Wellhausen

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In the global waste trade, importers buy containers of waste and scrap to meet demand for raw materials, especially in the Global South. But post-processing leftovers generate localized negative externalities. I use the waste trade as a setting to establish that low-capacity states can and do use tariffs as a tool in their environmental policy repertoire. Product-level tariffs can serve as Pigouvian ’sin’ taxes that incentivize private market actors to limit transactions and/or increase state revenue, both channels that can result in improved environmental outcomes. For evidence, I leverage the ‘China garbage shock’: in 2017 China banned imports of twenty-six waste products (HS six-digit), which disrupted economic–environmental trade-offs in other, newly competitive markets awash in diverted imports. Using novel data on 179 traded waste products and product-level tariffs (1996–2020), I demonstrate that those that received the shock raised tariffs in ways consistent with environmental protection.

From the Factory Floor to the Ballot Box: Firm-Based Origins of Brazil’s Populist Right

Matias Giannoni

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This article examines the firm-level roots of anti-system political attitudes, focusing on Jair Bolsonaro’s rise in Brazil. Using Brazil’s RAIS dataset, a comprehensive matched employer–employee longitudinal database, and exclusive data on Aliados apoios, a unique dataset of over 69,000 Bolsonaro supporters, this study provides new insights into the employment trajectories of his base. Paired with an original representative online survey of full-time workers featuring observational and experimental components, the findings show that Bolsonaro supporters faced significant declines in wages and occupational premia relative to similar workers. Experimental evidence reveals that poor job quality, workplace unfairness, and wage inequality information might fuel anti-democratic attitudes. By leveraging distinctive data and methods, this article uncovers how firm-level inequalities shape populist and anti-system sentiments, offering a novel perspective on the political consequences of economic disparity and bringing nuance to economic theories of populism.

Electoral Studies

Assessing the impact of internet voting on voter turnout in the 2024 Russian presidential elections

Alena Teplyshova

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Fickle loyalties: Intragroup competition in open list elections

Andrew Saab

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European Journal of Political Research

Judicial transformation: The case of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal

Lucia Dalla Pellegrina, Jarosław Kantorowicz, Nuno Garoupa, Jacek Lewkowicz

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Judicial transformation may result either from shifts in institutional context (prompting behavioral adjustment among incumbent judges) or changes in the composition of the bench (particularly through court-packing strategies that introduce new appointees). This article examines the case of the Polish Constitutional Court to evaluate which of these mechanisms better accounts for the controversial transformation of the court since late 2015. Drawing on data from constitutional abstract review decisions spanning 2003 to 2023, we analyze the behavior of distinct cohorts of judges. Our findings reveal a marked alignment with government positions following the October 2015 parliamentary elections, especially among judges appointed by the newly elected ruling party. The evidence suggests that the transformation is driven primarily by changes in judicial composition rather than by behavioral adaptation among pre-existing judges.

Party Politics

Leaders or parties? Practices of candidate selection in Western Europe

Bruno Marino

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Political parties still play a fundamental gatekeeping role in selecting candidates and, consequently, in selecting parliamentary and governmental elites. Nonetheless, the effective room for maneuver of party leaders in candidate selection has not received much attention. This is an interesting area to investigate, also considering recent accounts of intra-party personalization of politics, where party leaders have allegedly become more central. By using a novel dataset on approximately 75 Western European parties and some 250 party leaders between the mid-1980s and the mid-2010s, this article analyzes party leaders’ autonomy in selecting candidates for general elections. It tests the effect of party leaders’ determinants (e.g., leadership tenure or leaders' gender) and party determinants (i.e., party membership). Both leader-related and party-related determinants have a significant impact. The results show that political parties can still act as a counterbalancing force vis-à-vis party leaders and call for further investigation into intra-party informal practices.

Civil Society’s Democratic Potential. Organizational Trade-Offs between Participation and Representation BolleyerNicole, Civil Society’s Democratic Potential. Organizational Trade-Offs between Participation and Representation, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2024. hbk, x + 313pp, ISBN: 9780198884392.

Petr Kopecky

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To join or not to join? Reasons for and barriers to political participation in a party

Marius Minas, Uwe Jun, Julian Lermen

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Many traditional political parties have been facing the challenge of declining membership numbers for some time now. This research examines barriers to and reasons for joining from an ex-ante perspective. While barriers remain an under-researched area anyway, this study investigates reasons without the participants having already been socialized into political parties, thereby offering a novel and unbiased perspective. Based on the results of a representative survey of non-members of parties in Germany, the barriers to joining can be divided into three categories: People (categorically) rule out joining a party for political, non-political or personal reasons. However, an analysis of the different reasons for joining a party using PCA revealed different types of potential new party members. Shapers primarily want to participate in political content. Networkers are predominantly interested in their own political career and aspects of internal party cooperation. In addition, the data also reveal purely financial supporters, as well as mixed types who are particularly sympathetic to the pursuit of a political career.

Party institutionalization and party strength: A new global dataset

Darin Sanders Self, Shari Franke, Grant Mitchell

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Party institutionalization and strength are two distinct concepts widely used in Comparative Politics. Despite the centrality of these concepts, we lack measures of party institutionalization and strength that (1) accurately measure the concepts, (2) are measured at the party level, (3) are geographically expansive, and (4) cover a substantial temporal coverage. In this paper, we introduce the Party Institutionalization and Party Strength (PIPS) dataset. Using party-election V-Party data, we construct several measures of party institutionalization and strength for parties across the globe since 1970. In addition to individual party scores, our measures include system-level averages of party institutionalization and strength, measures that distinguish between incumbent and opposition parties, and measures of institutionalization and strength contingent on whether the party exists in a democratic or authoritarian regime.

Political Behavior

Overriding Nature: Favourable Environments in Early Life Reduces Genetic Inequality in Political Participation

Oskar Pettersson

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New research indicates that genetic variants related to educational attainment influence individuals’ political participation. This suggests that political inequality of opportunity is partially rooted in an inequality in genetic resources. However, the possibility that these genetic influences are contingent on individuals’ environments, such that they are amplified or reduced by certain environmental characteristics, remains unexplored. Using longitudinal and geo-coded register data for a large sample of genotyped twins in the Swedish Twin Registry, this paper explores whether early-life proximal environments that are conducive to participation modifies the effects of individuals’ education-related genetic resources on voting, as measured by a polygenic index for educational attainment. The results suggest that the level of political engagement, and of SES, both within the family and within the neighbourhood, can reduce the effects of genetic resources on voting. This has implications for how we can direct policy to ameliorate genetic inequalities in political participation.

On Ideological Consistency and the Intergenerational Transmission of Political Attitudes

Clinton M. Jenkins

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Sexuality and the City(?): The Geography of LGBT + Political Participation in the United States

Jack Thompson

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Urban politics scholars underscore the importance of urban areas as hubs of political activism, particularly for marginalized groups such as LGBT + individuals. However, there is a lack of quantitative research on the relationship between urbanicity and LGBT + political participation. Using data from the Cooperative Election Study (CES), I test the effects of LGBT + identity and urbanicity on political participation. Consistent with prior research, my findings reveal that LGBT + individuals exhibit higher levels of participation compared to cis/straight individuals in various political activities. Urbanicity also has a varying but sometimes significant influence on participation, particularly on collective forms of political activity such as protest attendance. However, the interaction between LGBT + identity and urbanicity does not amplify participation as strongly as previously theorized. My results challenge prior assumptions that urban environments uniquely enhance LGBT + activism and suggest that the primary driver of political engagement among LGBT + individuals is their identity itself, rather than geographic context.

Correction: Polarization and Partisan Bias in Citizens’ Evaluations of Public Services

Saar Alon-Barkat, Amnon Cavari, Lior Shvarts

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Political Geography

Camp studies trapped in the camp? Re-articulating recent Greek history through the camp as a productive device

Lafazani Olga

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A time penalty for the Global South? Inequalities in visa appointment wait times at German embassies and consulates worldwide

Emanuel Deutschmann, Lorenzo Gabrielli, Alexandra Orlova, Niklas Harder, Ettore Recchi

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Political Science Research and Methods

Energy transition, financial markets and EU interventionism: lessons from the Ukraine crisis

Patrick Bayer, Lorenzo Crippa, Federica Genovese

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A successful energy transition requires the reallocation of private capital away from fossil fuel assets to greener alternatives. This transition is typically hindered by investors’ focus on today’s returns. In times of crisis, however, credible and unambiguous political signals about the future profitability of green industries can steer investments toward low-carbon assets. Drawing on European Union interventions during the onset of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, we present an event study of daily stock market returns following the most salient policy announcements by the European Commission in 2022. Our analysis shows that markets for shares of EU-based energy firms were initially prepared to move capital to cleaner companies, suggesting support for the clean energy transition. However, the short-lived distributional effects materialized only for announcements that could unmistakably be understood as unwavering commitments to the EU’s green renewal, while more ambiguous announcements did not have the same distributional implications. Our findings emphasize that repeated and unambiguous political signals during crisis episodes can create favorable market conditions, at least in the short term, to support capital reallocation toward greener stocks.

Beyond innumeracy: measuring public misperceptions about immigration

Philipp Lutz, Marco Bitschnau

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Public perceptions of immigration are often inaccurate, yet research lacks conceptual clarity and valid measurement of these misperceptions. Prior work focuses mainly on population innumeracy (misestimating immigrant shares) and cannot distinguish genuine misperceptions from mere guessing. We introduce a survey module that captures multiple dimensions of immigration-related perceptions alongside respondents’ confidence in their estimates. Using population survey data from Switzerland, we develop confidence-weighted indicators that separate misperception from guessing. Although inaccurate perceptions are widespread across several immigration domains, they are less prevalent than often assumed; guessing accounts for a substantial share of observed inaccuracy. This measurement strategy enables more precise empirical tests of theories linking perceptions to political attitudes and behavior.

State mobilization and political attitudes: the legacy of maoist rural resettlement in contemporary China

Alexander Lee, Weihong Qi, Dehua Sun

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What are the effects of campaigns of coercive social mobilization on political attitudes? We show that such policies can strengthen authoritarian regimes by altering citizens’ patterns of trust. From 1968 to 1978, 16–17 million Chinese teenagers were “sent-down” to labor in rural areas, where they lived without their families under difficult conditions. Using a regression discontinuity design to account for selection into being sent-down, we show that former sent-down students are more critical of local government performance compared to their counterparts, yet they are less critical of the national government and generally more supportive of the regime. We see no significant differences in political participation, though there is some suggestive evidence that the sent-down students are more likely to favor officially sanctioned political activities. These results appear to stem from the close social control and isolation from family associated with the sent-down experience.

PS: Political Science & Politics

When Ideology Trumps Deliberation: Evidence from Chile’s 2022 Constitutional Proposal

René Tapia

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Existing research on Chile’s 2022 constitution-making process primarily explained the negative referendum outcome through individual-level factors. The role of political parties in responding to the product of deliberation has been widely overlooked. This article addresses that gap by examining party reactions to the draft constitution, a proposal aligned with the left-wing constitutional project of New Latin American Constitutionalism. Although the proposal embodied this project, party responses proved far more ambivalent, especially in the center-left, where party endorsement often was conditional. This ambivalence weakened the approval campaign and proved decisive in the referendum’s rejection. The analysis underscores that partisan ideology matters in deliberative constitution-making.

Reluctant at the Center, Embracing Locally: Mainstream Political Parties and Deliberation in Ankara

Savaş Zafer Şahin

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Deliberative practices have gradually become part of the political discourse, policies, and governance, particularly over the last 30 years in the Republic of Türkiye (Şahin 2024b). However, this period also coincides with a rise in competitive authoritarianism through centralization and regime change (Ergenç and Yüksekkaya 2024; Esen 2021). As debates continue regarding the mechanisms of representative democracy and basic human rights, the ruling party, AKP, presents deliberation as a tool for legitimizing its power, whereas opposition parties see it as a means by which to uphold democratic rights. Despite the wide use of deliberation-related terminology, effective and innovative deliberative examples remain scarce (Tansel 2018).

Democratic Innovation or Inertia? Ideology and Electoral Competition in Luxembourg Political Parties’ Engagement with the 2022 Climate Assembly

Emilien Paulis

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Citizens’ Assemblies (CAs) are a specific form of deliberative mini-publics that are increasingly used to address complex policy challenges, especially in climate governance (Boswell, Dean, and Smith 2023; Smith 2024; Willis, Curato, and Smith, 2022). They involve randomly selected citizens who deliberate and provide policy recommendations (Curato 2021). However, their implementation and uptake largely depend on political parties and elites, which may perceive these novel instruments as challenging their authority (Elstub and Escobar 2019; Setälä 2017). Given the growing use of deliberative mini-publics by representative institutions (Paulis et al. 2021), research has explored their interaction with political parties (Gherghina 2024; Gherghina, Soare, and Jacquet 2020a).

Limited Information and Marginal Importance: Political Parties and the First Citizens’ Assembly in Romania

Bettina Mitru

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In recent decades, deliberative practices have increasingly been used around the world by local, regional, and national institutions (Caluwaerts and Reuchamps 2018; Gherghina, Soare, and Jacquet 2020; Michels 2011). In Romania, most examples of deliberative practices revolve around local-level practices, including participatory budgeting and citizen councils, and focus on how they function and influence the communities (Gherghina and Tap 2021; Schiffbeck 2019).

Political Parties and Democratic Deliberation: An Introduction

Sergiu Gherghina

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Deliberative democracy is used increasingly around the world and experiences relevant public support across several countries. However, political parties remain generally reluctant to engage in deliberation. This symposium explains why some parties engage with deliberative practices whereas others disregard them in several countries in Africa, Asia, Europe, and South America. The symposium contributes theoretically to the literature by proposing analytical frameworks that explain parties’ approaches toward deliberative practices. The symposium’s empirical contribution lies in the identification of several variables that have been understudied so far in the research about parties and deliberation, including competition gains, organizational conflicts, and information deficit.

The effect of information provision on popular support for gender-related legislation: Experimental evidence from South Dakota constitutional amendment proposal

Julia Marin Hellwege, Filip Viskupič, David L. Wiltse

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In 2023, a constitutional amendment that would remove male-only pronouns and replace them with gender-neutral nouns in the state constitution was proposed in South Dakota. Policy changes related to gender pronouns are a sensitive and politically charged issue, particularly in more conservative states such as South Dakota. In April 2024, several months before the vote, we conducted a survey experiment with 727 registered voters in South Dakota to investigate whether providing an additional explanation about the proposed changes in the amendment affected South Dakotans’ support for the proposal. We found that Republicans were less supportive of the proposal across all conditions. The results also showed that participants who were given an explanation of the proposed changes were more supportive of the proposal than those to whom it was described as only introducing gender-neutral language, particularly among women, Independents, and Republicans. Overall, we found that the attitudes toward the proposal were structured along partisan lines and that providing additional information about the proposed changes increased popular support.

Do Authoritarians Support Political Violence?

Bryan T. Gervais, Connor Dye, Gabriel Acevedo, Christopher G. Ellison, Margaret S. Kelley

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Research has linked the authoritarian personality with support for political violence, including violence against the government. However, support for political violence is simultaneously a measure of and an outcome of the authoritarian personality, and one key component (submission to authority) is the antithesis of one key measure of political violence (violence against authority). This article makes three contributions. First, we accentuate the importance of using exogenous measures of the authoritarian personality when estimating its effect on support for political violence. Second, leveraging data from an original survey and the American National Election Studies, we find that the relationship between authoritarianism and support for violence is conditional: it can be positive, negative, or null, depending on who is in control of government and the specificity of political-violence measures. Third, we argue that another concept—the securitarian personality—might better predict support for violence. Access to firearms—which we argue is downstream from securitarianism—consistently predicts support for political violence.

Non-Voters and Political Parties in Vienna

Monika Mokre

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In many contemporary migration societies, an increasing percentage of residents do not have suffrage. This also holds true for the city of Vienna. In the 2020 municipal elections, almost a third of the Viennese population was excluded from suffrage; this rate of exclusion had doubled since 2000 (Mokre and Ehs 2021, 716). At the same time, Vienna has a long history of deliberative practices and experiments. A first deliberative experiment dates back to 1990, when a “Forum City Constitution” was initiated by the City Council to discuss the reform of citizens’ participation (Haas et al. 2024, 20). This forum did not lead to concrete political effects, and the deliberative turn reached Vienna only after 2000. Other deliberative practices have been introduced over time. Many of these instruments allow for the participation of the entire resident population irrespective of individuals’ voting rights; however, most of them are neither legally prescribed nor legally binding. These are the most inclusive instruments, and many of them allow people who ordinarily lack voting rights to participate. Normatively, this inclusion can be evaluated positively for two reasons: (1) some form of inclusion of the whole population in democratic decision making is desirable (Bauböck 2001; Gherghina, Mokre, and Mișcoiu 2021); and (2) deliberative practices arguably improve the quality of democracies by broadening inclusion, increasing the efficacy of political decisions, and contributing to civic education (Gherghina and Jacquet 2023, 504).

State Strikes Back: The Spanish–Moroccan Border Crisis from the Lens of the Beirut School of Critical Security Studies

Zaynab El Bernoussi, Augusto Adán Delkáder Palacios

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This goal of this article is to improve our understanding of Morocco’s instrumentalization of migration and border management to pressure Spain. We analyze the literature on critical security studies and North–South relations. This study’s contribution, resulting from the theoretical approach of the Beirut School of Critical Security Studies and the Spanish–Moroccan border-crisis case study, is twofold. First, it decenters the study of security and international relations from the dominant concerns with Western interests and policy priorities. Second, it documents a paradigm shift in the study of North–South relations, highlighting the agency of the Global South. This agency, evident in the case of Morocco, indicates that smaller state actors have the capacity to gain leverage over bigger state actors and that they are not merely recipients of the policies of the Global North. Proof of this is Morocco’s successful instrumentalization of the border crisis to obtain Spain’s explicit recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the Western Sahara.

Participatory Budgeting, Disengagement and Political Parties: Evidence from Kibra Constituency in Nairobi

Jethron Akallah, Paul Tap

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Participatory budgeting (PB) was first implemented in Porto Alegre (Brazil) in 1989 as a measure to reduce poverty and decrease child mortality. Since then, it has spread all over the world. It empowers citizens in political action, increases their awareness of the social and political shortcomings of their communities, and allows them to decide how a part of the local budget should be spent. Despite these benefits, people generally rarely engage with PB when it is offered. With the exception of a few studies (Gherghina, Tap, and Traistaru 2023), we do not yet know what makes individuals abstain from participating in this process.

Public Choice

How terrorism affects support for democracy

Philipp Kerler

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Concerns that terrorist attacks reduce citizens’ support for democracy and hinder democratization are widespread. Contrary to these concerns, we show that reported support for democracy is not lower after terrorist attacks across 10 cases of unexpected events during surveys in 10 African countries. In three cases, we detect significantly higher support for democracy after attacks. Jointly analyzing the 10 cases reveals that particularly respondents who evaluate their state as undemocratic report more support for democracy after attacks. Among individuals who perceive their state as democratic, we find no difference in support for democracy. Trust in the president and the ruling party is generally lower after attacks. We propose that citizens respond adversely to limited capacities to express dissatisfaction with the government under perceived non-democratic rule, and thus support democracy more after terrorist attacks when the political system is perceived as undemocratic. In contrast to prior research, our results provide a positive outlook on the resilience of support for democracy in the face of adversity.

The Journal of Politics

Solidarity and Deliberation After Extremist Attacks: Exploring a Complex Interplay

Emily Beausoleil, Selen Ercan, Claire Fitzpatrick, Andrea Felicetti, Jordan McSwiney

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A Male Hostility Spiral? Polarized Communication among Political Elites on Social Media

Albert Wendsjö, Hanna Bäck, Andrej Kokkonen

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Unraveling the Paradox of Anticorruption Messaging: Experimental Evidence from a Tax Administration Reform

Nicolás Ajzenman, Martín Ardanaz, Guillermo Cruces, German Feierherd, Ignacio Lunghi

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Soft Power as Constituency Cultivation

Scott Tyson, Ethan Kapstein, Audrye Wong

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Can Communities Take Charge? Testing Community-Based Governance to Sustain Schools in War-Affected Afghanistan

Dana Burde, Joel Middleton, Roxanne Rahnama, Cyrus Samii

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