I checked 18 political science journals on Saturday, April 18, 2026 using the Crossref API. For the period April 11 to April 17, I found 37 new paper(s) in 13 journal(s).

American Political Science Review

Reassessing Gendered Reactions to Terrorist Attacks: Slumps or Bumps?
YUSAKU HORIUCHI, MARTHA C. JOHNSON
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In a recent article published in this journal, Holman, Merolla, and Zechmeister (2022; 2024) report a decrease in support for U.K. Prime Minister Theresa May following the 2017 Manchester bombing, using data from the British Election Studies. Our analysis, however, reveals that once a linear time trend is considered, the bombing does not significantly affect public reactions. We replicate their study with Gallup World Poll data and likewise find no decline in May’s approval rating. Extending the analysis, we examine major terrorist attacks in African countries led by men and similarly find no rally effect. Together, these results cast doubt on terrorism’s capacity to trigger rally ’round the flag dynamics and challenge claims of a gendered pattern whereby women leaders face unique penalties in crises. We argue that broader comparative evidence is necessary before concluding whether citizens rally around, or retreat from, leaders in the wake of terrorism.

British Journal of Political Science

Silenced Voices: How Violence Marginalizes Women and Immigrant Politicians in Policy Debates
Sandra HĂ„kansson, Cecilia Josefsson
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Free and open public debate is a cornerstone of democratic representation, yet many politicians refrain from participating in policy debates. This study examines how political violence contributes to such silencing and whether it disproportionately affects historically marginalized groups. Using a unique Swedish politician survey (five waves, N = 43,000), we analyze whether violence reduces marginalized politicians’ participation in debates and whether it disproportionately silences debates challenging hegemonic male interests. We find that women and immigrant-background politicians are significantly more likely than their counterparts to report withdrawing from public debates because of violence and to avoid a broader range of topics. Women are particularly likely to refrain from debates on gender equality, while immigrant-background politicians are not more likely to avoid immigration debates. These chilling effects suggest that violence can narrow the range of voices present in policy debates, potentially diminishing marginalized groups’ ability to represent constituents and reinforcing hegemonic men’s political dominance.

Electoral Studies

Winning incumbent mayors: Causal effects on local public spending, service delivery, and governance-related conflict in Indonesia
Blane D. Lewis
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The resilience of local democracy: Natural disasters and the incumbent survival effect
Nima Taheri Hosseinkhani
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European Journal of Political Research

Excluded but affected? The winner-loser gap in satisfaction with democracy among non-citizens
Madeleine Siegel, Sabrina Jasmin Mayer
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Previous research has extensively examined the winner-loser gap with regard to satisfaction with democracy (SWD). However, this phenomenon has not yet been studied for a group with considerable shares in Western democracies’ populations, foreign citizens, who are often not entitled to vote. We hypothesise that electoral outcomes influence not only voters but also non-citizens. We argue that the overall winner-loser gap may be less pronounced among non-citizens than among citizens. Since they are unable to influence the outcome, they may perceive both winning and losing scenarios as similarly distant from their own preferences. Additionally, we investigate whether the winner-loser gap remains stable over time for both citizens and non-citizens. We test these propositions using novel panel data from Germany (2021–2024, N = 2390 citizens, 273 non-citizens). Our findings reveal significant differences in satisfaction with democracy between winners and losers, with only citizens showing a stable significant gap. Overall, the results suggest that electoral participation enhances responsiveness to electoral outcomes: those who can vote show greater fluctuations in democratic satisfaction depending on whether they won or lost according to their actual vote choice. In contrast, politically excluded individuals do not exhibit a similarly pronounced winner-loser gap based on their hypothetical vote choice.
Conceptualizing and measuring district magnitude for comparative research: How to do it and why it matters
Orit Kedar, Gilad Hurvitz
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District magnitude, the number of seats per district, is a critical component of electoral systems. It affects key outcomes such as accountability, legislative fragmentation, and disproportionality in representation by providing incentives for voters, candidates, and representatives. Some democracies have identical-magnitude districts (whether under majoritarian or districted proportional representation), yet many elect their representatives through districts of varying magnitudes. Thus, in cross-country analyses, researchers first come up with a summary score of district magnitudes per country. This is often considered merely a mechanical, pre-analysis step of preparing the data. We show that the national score of district magnitude is a thorny business, consequential for inference on substantive questions. Specifically, different conceptualizations and measurements of district magnitude lead to different scores, and those, in turn, may both mischaracterize countries and lead to different inferences. Moreover, the status quo in the measurement of district magnitude – equally weighing all districts – is often misleading, and the problem is compounded by within-country variation in magnitude and malapportionment, common in Europe and Latin America, respectively. We propose two alternative measures of district magnitude – weighing districts by the share of representatives or voters in them – and provide guidance on the circumstances under which each measure should be utilized. Our analysis has implications for how this key component of electoral systems should be conceptualized, measured, and employed in cross-country analyses.
Assessing the presidentialisation thesis: Prime ministerial authority in an era of rising centralisation and personalisation
Eoin O’Malley, Alex Marland, Gala Palavicini
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The ‘presidentialisation’ of prime ministers has become a prominent theory in political science, particularly within the study of executive politics. The central claim that prime ministers and their agents exert increasing authority over government has sparked considerable definitional and theoretical debate. Empirical testing, however, has largely been limited to case studies of individual leaders and countries. Using a reliable metric for prime ministerial power across 21 countries over 40 years, we provide a large-N testing of the thesis. Our analysis finds no secular trend towards increasing prime ministerial power. In some countries, we observe a sharp decline in prime ministerial control over policy, potentially linked to the fragmentation of party systems in Western democracies. At the same time, the data point to a broader trend toward centralisation and personalisation, suggesting that the growing focus on leaders is subtly and profoundly transforming the exercise of executive power in contemporary democracies. The findings indicate that caution is warranted about unidirectional claims of presidentialisation.
Generational legacies of authoritarianism: Evidence from Spain
Laia Balcells, Francisco Villamil
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What are the long-term legacies of authoritarian repression on civil society? While much research has focused on high-intensity repression, we examine the more pervasive, low-intensity repression characteristic of many authoritarian regimes. We argue that repression’s effects vary by generation, reducing civic engagement among those who came of age during the authoritarian period but not among younger generations who either only lived their childhood under the regime or were children and grew up under democracy. Using data from around 140,000 individual surveys conducted between 1989 and 2017, we find that cohorts who reached adulthood during the Franco regime consistently exhibit lower civic engagement than those who came of age in democratic Spain. We show evidence consistent with the main results from complementary analyses using local-level data on repression. These findings contribute to the literature on authoritarian legacies, emphasizing the generational and contextual variability of their effects on civil society.
Does Islamist terrorism still affect political attitudes?
Micha Germann, Amélie Godefroidt, Fernando Mendez
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Recent literature suggests that citizens in Western democracies have become desensitized to Islamist terrorism and that Islamist attacks therefore no longer evoke the same changes in political attitudes as before. However, this hypothesis remains undertheorized and has not been systematically tested. We develop a theoretical framework that positions desensitization alongside alternative trajectories of public responsiveness and subject it to two complementary tests. In Study 1, we draw on a meta-analytic dataset of over 170 previous studies and 800 effect estimates to assess whether public reactions to Islamist terrorism have changed as a result of repeated exposure. In Study 2, we conduct a more controlled comparison of the effects of two recent Islamist terrorist attacks using a comparable research design and a new data source. Across both studies, we find little evidence that responsiveness has systemically diminished – or increased – over time, calling into question the presumed erosion of the effects of Islamist terrorism on political attitudes in Western democracies.
There is no such thing as ‘right-wing populism’: Reclaiming the emancipatory potential of populism in reactionary times
Alex Yates, Aurelien Mondon
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Populism has become generally equated with far-right politics in public discourse. Beyond this association being widely problematised in much of the literature on populism, in this theoretical intervention, we argue that the populist label is ill-fitting for far-right politics for three reasons. First, any antagonism of ‘the people’ against ‘the elite’ is only secondary, at best, for the far right. Second, while populism constructs an anti-elitist crisis of the system, the far right constructs a crisis in the system, seeking to (re-)entrench elite rule and systems of oppression. Third, populism transgresses hegemonic political norms by making a novel political subject visible, whereas the far right attempts to extend the privilege of its already privileged voting base. As such, we argue that we should abandon the ‘populist’ signifier to refer to reactionary politics and instead rely on more precise, but also more stigmatising signifiers such as far/radical/extreme right for projects of reactionary people-building. Whereas populism builds a coalition through equivalential links between the demands of ‘the people’, such demands are of little concern for reactionary elites. Instead, ‘the people’ are constructed to lend legitimacy to their elitist project. While there are clear risks in attempting to reclaim the concept considering its quasi-hegemonic misuse, we argue that the emancipatory potential of populism makes it worthy of serious investigation in our demophobic and authoritarian times.

Journal of Experimental Political Science

The Power of Place: Rural Descriptive Representation and Policy Support
Lukas K. Alexander, Dihan Shi
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Rural Americans constitute a politically consequential yet theoretically understudied identity group. This study reconceptualizes descriptive representation to include place-based identities and demonstrates its influence on policy support and political trust. Using a preregistered, original survey experiment of rural respondents, we assess whether rural Americans exhibit greater support for laws and perceive it as more beneficial to rural communities when proposed by state representatives who share their rural identity. Our findings strongly support this hypothesis: rural Americans express higher levels of support for laws that were introduced by descriptively representative lawmakers and are more likely to believe such policies benefit rural areas. Moreover, respondents demonstrate higher levels of trust in rural lawmakers even in the absence of additional information about them. These results illustrate that, for rural Americans, place-based identity is deeply influential in shaping their political perceptions.
A Replication and Extension of Willer et al. (2013), Overdoing Gender: A Test of the Masculine Overcompensation Thesis
Claire Gothreau, Nicholas Haas
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Do men respond to a masculinity threat by adopting more conservative political attitudes? A highly cited 2013 study by Willer et al. – drawing on substantial work in social psychology – argues in the affirmative, reasoning that endorsing conservative views allows men to reaffirm their gender identity. In two experiments with student convenience samples ( N total 100–110, N men 40–51), the authors find consistent evidence: inducing masculinity threat increases support for war, homophobic attitudes, and endorsement of dominance hierarchies. We conduct a preregistered replication of this foundational study using a nationally representative probability sample ( N total 2774, N men 2073). Contrary to original findings, we observe no consistent evidence that masculinity threat alters political attitudes. We further do not find support for design differences between the replication and original study driving contrasting findings. Our results call into question the robustness of evidence linking masculinity threat to political attitudes and underscore the importance of re-evaluating widely accepted findings with representative, large samples.

Party Politics

Determined by place or party? Issue salience in local election manifestos
Raf Reuse
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Compared to national-level studies research on parties’ issue salience in local politics remains significantly underdeveloped. How local party branches balance the general party ideology with local context when deciding which issues to prioritise is still not well understood. This article addresses this gap by examining the drivers of issue salience in local election manifestos, specifically investigating the extent to which it is determined by the national party organisation and place-based municipal conditions. Drawing on an unprecedented dataset of 262 local election manifestos from 36 municipalities across two election cycles in Flanders (Belgium), the study measures and explains the emphasis on 17 policy issues using a supervised machine learning approach. Findings indicate that local parties’ issue salience is influenced by both national party preferences and local context, demonstrating their role as strategic actors who make deliberate choices about which issues to emphasise and de-emphasise.
The cost of compromise: How coalition participation shapes party membership
Marc Debus, Michael Imre, Hanna BĂ€ck
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How does coalition participation influence party membership? We argue that parties that take part in coalition governments are likely to experience less favorable party membership developments than parties governing alone because of the compromises they have to agree on in multi-party cabinets. This should be particularly likely for parties in ideologically diverse coalition governments since parties participating in such cabinets are more likely to have to deviate from originally promised policy positions; and for junior coalition partners, as they have less influence over policy and are less able to claim credit for government achievements. We evaluate these expectations on the basis of a new dataset that covers information on (1) the number of members in all German state parties between 1990 and 2023, (2) the ideological profile of the state parties, and (3) the status of a state party as a member of a state coalition government. We find that junior coalition partners lose significantly more members than parties that govern alone. Furthermore, an increasing programmatic distance within the cabinet on economic issues is related to a decreasing number of members of the respective government parties.
From strategic voters to strategic options: Recasting strategic voting for multiparty simple plurality elections
Edward Fieldhouse, Justin Fisher
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Research on strategic voting in simple plurality systems has focussed largely on voters faced with three options. This is problematic, first because strategically minded voters may prefer candidates outside of the three leading contenders; second, they may consider voting for third (or worse) placed parties; and third, some voters might have more than one strategic option. We demonstrate that conceptualising strategic voting in terms of strategic voters restricts our ability to accurately answer important questions about strategic voting. We set out a new approach to strategic voting which identifies the strategic options available to voters in multiparty contests. We then examine the number, distribution and character of strategic options and strategic votes in four British general elections using data from the British Election Study. We find that across these four elections 7% of options open to voters could be considered strategic and more than one third of these were voted for, accounting for 11% of all votes cast.
District-level drivers of voter turnout: Evidence from a longitudinal study in Turkey
Tevfik Murat Yildirim
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A growing body of research points to heterogeneity in the predictors of turnout and highlights the importance of longitudinal designs in exploring within-country variation as a remedy. Building on this perspective, the present study examines the determinants of district-level voter turnout in Turkey using a panel dataset covering all provinces across 18 general elections between 1950 and 2023. Leveraging the country’s unique variation in institutional and socioeconomic structure across time and space, results based on the Mundlak regression show that compulsory voting, socioeconomic development, and democratizing elections are associated with higher turnout, while political fragmentation and larger party systems are linked to lower turnout. Surprisingly, elections held under majoritarian systems experienced higher turnout than those under PR. Findings from additional analyses further suggest that higher levels of wasted votes, driven by the 10% national electoral threshold, may have dampened voter turnout in PR elections in the more recent decades, particularly in some districts. Overall, these findings suggest that voter turnout is a function of both local-level contextual factors and aggregate-level institutional features.
From patronage to crisis: Welfare politics and the breakdown of rule of law in Bangladesh’s political transformation
Md Nazirul Islam Sarker
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This article theorizes and traces a mechanism in which welfare provision, once routed through partisan brokers, morphs into patronage that corrodes the rule of law, culminating in crisis and an interim political settlement. Using a qualitative, theory-guided case of Bangladesh (2024–2025), we combine process tracing with critical discourse analysis of domestic and international media, elite speeches, and rights reports, and we benchmark trajectories with V-Dem and International IDEA indicators. This study shows that campus welfare arenas (residential hall seats, stipends, and student-union access) plausibly operated as transmission belts linking micro-level brokerage to macro-level selective legality. As a youth-led movement, it reframed distributive grievances as justice claims, triggering preference cascades and elite defections that led to leadership exit, parliamentary dissolution, and the establishment a civilian interim government. The interim has exposed institutional fragility (constitutional ambiguity; sticky patronage networks) yet also opened reform avenues—most notably investigations into disappearances and attempts to depoliticize student welfare. Theoretically, we propose a framework—brokered welfare → selective legality → crisis → liminal interim → legal re-embedding or patronage recovery—with a preliminary shadow comparison to Sri Lanka and Nepal.

Political Analysis

Adaptive Randomization in Conjoint Survey Experiments
Jennah Gosciak, Daniel Molitor, Ian Lundberg
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Human choices are often both multi-dimensional and interactive. For example, a person deciding which of two immigrants is more worthy of admission to a country might weigh their education, and the weight placed on education may depend on other factors, such as their age, country of origin and employment history. We develop a response-adaptive experimental design that summarizes the range of effects of one attribute as a function of all other attributes. Our approach changes several aspects of the experimental design based on the ex ante choice to study the heterogeneous effects of one focal attribute (i.e., education). We update treatment assignment probabilities over the course of the experiment to search for the attribute vector at which the focal attribute has the most positive and most negative effects. By summarizing the full range of effects that exist, our approach complements existing approaches to conjoint experiments that typically aggregate over heterogeneity by marginalizing. We illustrate through two online experiments and provide customizable code infrastructure via a Docker container that other researchers can use to deploy adaptive randomization in online conjoint experiments.

Political Behavior

Alphabet Soup: Randomized Ballot Order and the Representation of Marginalized Candidates
Sean Freeder, Justin de Benedictis-Kessner, Rachel Bernhard
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Political Geography

Placing disability front and centre in political geography
David A. Alexander
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Transnational party activism: why do migrants become active in political parties from their country of origin?
Nicolas Fliess
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Political Psychology

When virtues are weaponized: Moral superiority aggravates outgroup dehumanization
Zaixuan Zhang, Zhansheng Chen
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Moral superiority has been suggested to exacerbate intergroup relations. However, empirical studies testing the negative intergroup outcomes arising from moral superiority are limited, and the underlying mechanisms remain to be explored. We aimed to fill this research gap by examining whether and how moral superiority increases outgroup dehumanization. Five studies ( N = 1158) were conducted to test our proposition that moral superiority increases outgroup dehumanization via enhanced perceived ingroup status. Study 1 detected that moral superiority is positively associated with outgroup dehumanization, while perceived ingroup status accounts for this relationship. Then, Studies 2 and 3 revealed the causal effect of moral superiority on outgroup dehumanization, along with the mediating effect of perceived ingroup status. Afterward, Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with a minimal group paradigm and identified the downstream outgroup aggression. Finally, Study 5 showed that emphasizing equal intergroup status mitigates the effect of moral superiority on outgroup dehumanization. Together, our findings offered compelling evidence for the link between moral superiority and outgroup dehumanization, and for the mediating role of perceived ingroup status. We also suggested the crucial role of moral superiority in intergroup conflict perpetuation, and a potential strategy to mitigate its negative consequences.
“Good job reporting this!”: Examining psychological needs and community building in YouTube conspiracy narratives
Darja Wischerath, Lukasz Piwek, Jonathan F. Roscoe, Brittany I. Davidson
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The proliferation of conspiracy theories online has tangible offline consequences, both on an individual and collective level. Conspiracy narratives have been associated with reduced belief in democracy, the rise of populist parties, and can act as a radicalization multiplier in such contexts. These narratives capitalize on pre‐existing beliefs and grievances and add urgency to act through a narrative of imminent danger. Previous research has proposed that belief in conspiracy narratives is driven by unfulfilled psychological needs such as existential threat, epistemic motives, and social motives and calls have been made to examine conspiracy belief as a form of affective community investment. In the present research, we explored how conspiracy narratives address grievances and psychological needs through a 1‐month digital observation of conspiracy‐related YouTube videos. We performed an LDA topic model analysis of 102 videos and 455,738 comments and qualitatively examined 24 videos and 1200 comments using an abductive approach. This study validated and extended existing models of conspiracy beliefs, highlighting how conspiracy narratives address and amplify grievances and psychological needs in both official content and community‐generated discourse. This research contributes to a deeper understanding of the mechanisms underlying the spread and impact of conspiracy theories in online environments.

PS: Political Science & Politics

Did Donald Trump Receive a Mandate for Sweeping Change in 2024?
George C. Edwards
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Donald Trump and his supporters claimed an historic mandate to provide critical legitimacy for the extraordinary changes the president initiated immediately after taking office. Did he actually receive such a mandate? The data show that he did not. His electoral victory was modest by historical standards, and the public did not view his election as a mandate for sweeping change and did not desire to accord the president additional power. Moreover, Trump did not campaign on many of the issues on which he took action, and the public opposed most of the president’s major changes in policy. These actions included drastically cutting or dismembering congressionally authorized agencies and programs, deporting most undocumented aliens, raising tariffs, and gutting foreign aid.
Not with a Bang but a Whimper: Congressional Silence Amid an Historic Assault on the Power of the Purse
Douglas L. Kriner
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Although all presidents pursue their agendas unilaterally, President Donald Trump’s early second-term actions shocked the political system for their scope and breadth. One of Trump’s boldest moves was a frontal assault on Congress’s constitutional power of the purse through unprecedented impoundments and unilateral tariffs. Despite widespread public opposition to Trump’s gambits and clear statutory violations, Congress has offered little resistance, marking a stark departure from historical precedent. This analysis situates Trump’s actions within broader debates over the scope of executive authority and the weakening of institutional checks and balances. Partisan incentives and Trump’s dominance of the Republican Party have muted congressional resistance, raising urgent questions about the future of the separation of powers in an era of unprecedented executive overreach.
Introduction to Understanding the Early Trump 47 Presidency
George C. Edwards
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In his second term, President Donald Trump has pushed beyond the limits that have constrained previous presidents, suggesting that he should not be bound by norms, statutes, or constitutional language. The logic of the US Constitution is that majorities are required for change but that it also is necessary to protect minority interests. The system of checks and balances forces most majorities to grow and broaden before they are empowered. The Constitution provides an incentive for public officials to negotiate and compromise. Donald Trump has ignored this constitutional imperative. Instead of persuasion, compromise, and negotiation, he has employed unilateral action.
Swept Away: The Trump 2.0 Tidal Wave of Executive Action
Andrew Rudalevige
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Donald J. Trump began his second term with a tidal wave of presidential directives. A simple count does not equate to consequence—but, in aggregate, Trump’s directives had an important impact. Many of their targets were consistent with past presidential practice, although even then expanding prior claims to executive authority. Others, which exacted retribution on specific individuals or entities or ordered subordinates to disregard the law, were new and potentially dangerous. The long-term failure of Congress to rein in discretion embedded in past statute has empowered this and future presidencies.
Trump 47 and the Judicial Burdens of Presidential Unilateralism
Jasmine Farrier
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In 2025, President Donald Trump expanded his own powers through unprecedented interpretations of congressional statutes and Article II of the US Constitution. Ensuing waves of litigation and a record number of emergency-relief applications by the administration to the US Supreme Court placed extraordinary pressure on the federal judiciary. Although US district judges have delayed or halted a range of significant administrative actions, this article’s overview of Trump 47 in court highlights three different scholarly approaches that doubt that the US Supreme Court alone can or ultimately will reverse the administration’s agenda. First, the Roberts Court’s emergency docket decisions thus far comport with recent polarization trends in presidential-power cases. Second, the US Supreme Court lacks institutional capacity and consistent jurisprudence to challenge each area of alleged presidential overreach. Third, the administration’s use of broad authorities previously delegated by Congress serves as a reminder that constitutional interpretation and executive-branch powers are rooted in the broader political system. Congress cannot easily retract granted authority but curtailing presidential unilateralism requires more than litigation.
Trump’s Remaking of Unilateral Politics
William G. Howell
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Unilateral activities permeate almost every aspect of Donald Trump’s second presidency. While his use of these tools bears some resemblance to that of past presidents, he departs from established practices in two critical ways. The first difference concerns the sheer audacity of his actions. By employing unilateral directives with little regard for long-standing legal constraints, Trump—more than any of his predecessors—routinely and brazenly defies constitutional and statutory boundaries. Second, his unilateral actions reorient the traditional relationship between power and policy. Whereas past presidents viewed power as a means to advance policy, Trump routinely treats policies as staging grounds for redefining power relations.
Political Leverage and Legislative Strategy: How Trump Overperformed with Congress in 2025
Frances E. Lee
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As gauged by the factors usually believed to determine legislative success with Congress—party control, seat share, and presidential approval—President Trump was situated similarly during the first years of each of his terms. Yet, he achieved substantially greater legislative success in 2025 than in 2017. This contrast indicates that the conventional explanatory factors no longer fully capture what drives presidential success in an era of intense party polarization. Instead, intraparty dynamics and legislative strategy have an important role in shaping outcomes under unified government today. Understanding contemporary presidential effectiveness requires looking beyond seat shares and public opinion to the internal politics of the governing coalition.
President Trump and the Federal Personnel System: Theory and Practice
David E. Lewis
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President Donald Trump’s actions to assert control of the executive branch in his second term have been breathtaking in their speed, volume, and diversity. Trump’s actions raise the more general question of how to make sense of his presidency in historical perspective. Presidency scholars have contributed landmark research characterizing presidents based on personal characteristics, historic patterns, common incentives at work in different institutional configurations, and behaviors associated with populist leaders more generally. This article is a distillation of the theory behind Trump’s actions and describes the mechanics of how the president has asserted control over federal personnel in his second term. It concludes with the implications of these actions for governance and for our understanding of the Trump presidency in history more generally.

Research & Politics

Xenophobic violence in Sweden 2009–2022: Introducing the dataset
Anton Törnberg, MÄns Lundstedt, Victoria Vallström, Mattias Wahlström
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We present a new event dataset on xenophobic violence in Sweden, covering all police-reported, hate-crime-flagged incidents involving physical violence between 2009 and 2022 (n = 2,522). The dataset provides a nationally complete and georeferenced record of violent xenophobic offences, combining programmatic extraction of structured police records with manual coding of free-text narratives under transparent inclusion criteria. It includes detailed information on offence types, bias motivations, temporal and spatial context, and characteristics of victims and perpetrators. By maintaining a uniform sampling frame across the full period, the dataset enables consistent longitudinal analysis of xenophobic violence beyond media-based or survey-driven sources. We present descriptive patterns to illustrate its analytical value, highlighting the coexistence of routine, dispersed assaults and episodic surges linked to external events. The dataset offers a transparent empirical foundation for research on hate crime, political violence, and the dynamics of intergroup conflict.

The Journal of Politics

Equal in Private, Unequal in Public? Coeducation and Sexism in the Soviet Union
Marco Giani, Krakowski Krzysztof
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Social Desirability Bias In Online Surveys: An Experimental Assessment
Daniel Bischof, Tim Lars Allinger, Kristian Frederiksen, Morgan Le Corre Juratic
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Understanding Nimbyism as Local Preservationism
Martin VinĂŠs Larsen, Niels Nyholt
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Meritocracy and Autocratic Power-Sharing: A Historical Perspective
Clair Yang, Yasheng Huang, Zhaomin Li
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Do Voters Value Relief over Preparedness? Evidence from Disaster Policies in Malawi
Felix Hartmann
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