I checked 18 political science journals on Wednesday, July 01, 2026 using the Crossref API. For the period June 24 to June 30, I found 25 new paper(s) in 14 journal(s).

American Journal of Political Science

Is support for authoritarian rule contagious? Evidence from field and survey experiments
Sirianne Dahlum, Torbjþrn Hanson, Åshild Johnsen, Andreas Kotsadam, Alexander Wuttke
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The increasing popularity of strongman rule in democratic societies underscores the need to explore how authoritarian regime preferences might spread socially. We assess the role of social influence on support for leaders with authoritarian inclinations through preregistered field and survey experiments in the Norwegian Armed Forces. The field experiment randomly assigned soldiers to different rooms during boot camp, so soldiers lived among peers with varying levels of openness to authoritarian rule. We found that many individuals adjusted their privately reported support for authoritarian rule to align more closely with their peers. Further survey‐experimental evidence among soldiers and the general Norwegian population confirms that learning about others’ level of support for authoritarian rule changes both perceptions and own support. Our results suggest that support for authoritarian rule can have a social basis and could potentially spread through social contagion in established democracies.
Getting on the grid: A field experiment on bottom‐up political pressure and access to essential public services
Nikhar Gaikwad, Anjali Thomas
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Water is essential for human life, yet governments frequently leave vulnerable citizens to rely on informal channels for access. What can motivate governments to provide public services such as water to citizens trapped in informality? We theorize how accessing state services involves distinct strategic interactions between citizens, bureaucrats, and politicians at different formalization stages. A large factorial field experiment in Mumbai's informal settlements reveals that a bureaucratic facilitation drive significantly improved citizens' ability to access municipal water connections in policy‐eligible settlements, but only when combined with a bottom‐up political coordination campaign targeting elected officials. While bureaucratic assistance helped citizens through the petitioning stage of the formalization process, political pressure was needed to ensure service delivery in the infrastructural stage more open to political influence. Our findings illuminate how specific citizen empowerment campaigns reshape the incentives of otherwise reluctant bureaucrats and politicians to provide marginalized groups their basic human rights.
Rebuilding trust in national police: The case of the UN mission in Mali
Nadine Ansorg, Zorzeta Bakaki, Jessica Di Salvatore
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International interventions often aim to reinforce both capacity as well as perceived legitimacy of national security forces. However, how peacekeeping operations manage to improve trust in the national police has received limited attention. In this article, we evaluate whether and how UN missions can (re‐)build trust in the national police focusing on the case of Mali. We combine data on UN local deployment and nationally representative survey rounds from the Afrobarometer. We use the wealth of information from the survey to disentangle the mechanisms linking UN peacekeeping to positive changes in trust in national police. Employing a difference‐in‐difference estimation, we find that respondents in locations that hosted UN police report higher trust toward the national police forces compared to respondents in the control group. We find that this may be due to UN police improving perceptions of safety, accessibility to and integrity of national police forces.

American Political Science Review

Generic title: Not a research article
Causal Panel Analysis under Parallel Trends: Lessons from a Large Reanalysis Study – CORRIGENDUM
ALBERT CHIU, XINGCHEN LAN, ZIYI LIU, YIQING XU
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Electoral Studies

Conditional loyalty: Partisanship and voter responses to corruption
Laura Chelidonopoulos
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Womens causal impact through the policy process: Different preferences – same outcomes
Karl-Emil Bendtsen, Lene Holm Pedersen, Frederik Klaaborg KjĂžller
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European Journal of Political Research

Representation by proxy? The democratic inclusion of youth and migrants
Jana Belschner, Ingrid Faleide, Josefina Sipinen, Aaron John Spitzer
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Several groups in democratic polities are legally excluded from voting. Are they thus also excluded from democratic representation? In this article, we focus on the political inclusion of underage youth and migrants. We theorize that proxy representation of their interests might occur through two mechanisms: mechanical or solidarity representation. Drawing on parallel citizen and politician surveys in 14 countries ( N citizens = 27,465; N national politicians = 1,185), we find that both groups have some preferences that are not automatically matched by either the general electorate or politicians. While underage youth’s preferences are at least matched by young voters (aged 18 to 25 years), this is not the case for migrant non-voters. Second, we show that citizens and politicians largely consider youth, children, and future generations – but not migrants – to deserve political representation equal to that of adult citizens. In sum, our evidence suggests proxy representation is a weak alternative to enfranchisement, especially for the migrant population.
Can domestic courts erode confidence in international law? Evidence from Hungary
Sivaram Cheruvu, Jay N. Krehbiel
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This article considers the interaction of the expansion of international law and the rising politicization of domestic institutions. As international legal processes frequently incorporate domestic institutions, how citizens react to the development of international law may become influenced by their perceptions of those institutions. We argue that involving politicized domestic institutions in the international legal decision-making process affects support for rulings through individuals’ perceptions of the domestic judiciary vis-a-vis an international court. Contra our preregistered expectations, a survey experiment fielded in Hungary shows that opposition partisans withdraw support for a European Union law decision when it is issued by a Hungarian court rather than directly by the European Court of Justice, while the involvement of a national court does not increase support for European Union law among government supporters. Further exploratory analyses of government supporters suggest that court decisions are broadly unlikely to move these individuals’ attitudes toward international law.
Who speaks for whom? Gendered representation in interest group advocacy before parliament
Laura Chaqués-Bonafont, Xavier Fernåndez-i-Marín
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This paper investigates the conditions under which women are more likely to represent interest groups in parliamentary hearings, shifting attention from the content of advocacy to the identity of advocates. While existing research has focused on how interest groups gain access to legislative venues, it has largely overlooked who delivers these messages and how messenger characteristics shape political representation. Drawing on theories of gender representation, interest group advocacy, and source effects, we develop a framework that distinguishes between structural and strategic representation and examine whether gender is deployed as a symbolic and relational resource in legislative settings. Using an original dataset covering all interest group appearances in the Spanish Parliament from 1996 to 2023, and hierarchical logistic regression models with Bayesian inference, we analyze how organizational, institutional, and contextual factors shape gendered representation. The findings show that citizen groups are significantly more likely than economic organizations to be represented by women, and that female representation increases with the proportion of women MPs on parliamentary committees. Gendered patterns also vary across policy domains and hearing characteristics. Importantly, the results provide evidence consistent with strategic adaptation: interest groups appear more likely to select female representatives in gender-diverse institutional environments, suggesting that gender functions as a form of strategic signaling rather than solely reflecting internal organizational structures. These findings contribute to research on interest groups and political representation by highlighting how identity operates as a political resource, with implications that extend beyond parliamentary lobbying to broader debates on descriptive and substantive representation.

Journal of Experimental Political Science

Vignette Experiments Can Replicate Actual Behavioral Intent and Partly Actual Behavior: Panel Evidence on Environmental Migration from Bangladesh
Lukas Rudolph
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Can survey experiments replicate real-world behavioral intent and behavior? I study a population in rural Bangladesh ( N ∌ 1600) along the banks of the Jamuna River, at risk of riverbank erosion and flooding. I compare their responses to questions about hypothetical movement behavior in vignette-experimental natural disaster scenarios (pre-monsoon, May–June 2021) with their migration intentions and actual migration 2–6 months later, following quasi-experimental real-world exposure. My results show that hypothetical as well as actual affectedness and risk shape migration intent and behavior in structurally similar ways, indicating sign-generalization over both treatments and outcomes. However, the vignette experiment approximates actual behavioral intent more closely than behavior, suggesting that real-world intention–behavior gaps can complicate external validity. Given a slim evidence base for generalizability over treatments and outcomes, this study contributes a crucial comparison from a rarely studied developing-country context on what we can learn from survey experiments.
Do the Audio and Video from Public Hearings Impact High Court Legitimacy?
Andrew R. Stone, Jeffrey Ziegler
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Judges may express underlying political preferences when speaking that can only be captured with audio and not text. Yet, it is unclear if audio or video recordings of judicial proceedings shape high courts’ legitimacy differently than written transcripts. We address this question with two survey experiments using short, real-world case excerpts from the US and UK. In sum, we do not find evidence that the method of delivery is associated with evaluations of court legitimacy as predicted by past studies. These null results persist when we account for the emotions that judges convey, perceived political inclinations of judges, and participants’ political preferences. Our findings offer novel insight into the relationship between high court attitudes and the medium through which judicial decisions are communicated.

Party Politics

The limited electoral payoff of parliamentary work: Insights from the Polish parliament, 2005–2023
Jan FaƂkowski, PrzemysƂaw J. Kurek, Jacek Lewkowicz, Adam Janczyszyn
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It is often assumed that parliamentary activity, by demonstrating MPs’ commitment and the diligent fulfilment of their duties, is viewed favourably by the electorate and increases their chances of re-election. Our results imply a more nuanced picture. Drawing on data from the Polish Sejm between 2005 and 2023, we find that parliamentary activity has no discernible positive effect on re-election for most MPs. We also document that MPs with the lowest activity levels retain a high likelihood of securing a seat in subsequent elections. These patterns are difficult to reconcile with voters rewarding parliamentary conduct. Instead, our evidence points to the decisive role of an MP’s position in the party hierarchy in shaping voter perceptions and electoral success. In line with this, re-election depends largely on an MP’s ranking on the party list, which remains remarkably stable over time. Overall, our findings suggest that party structures and internal selection processes can substantially constrain voter-driven accountability, even in electoral systems that allow voters to choose among individual candidates.
Affective polarization and the support for populist and technocratic governance
Sarah Engler, Ivo Bantel, Lucas Leemann
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How do citizens differ in their view of democratic governance when they are more affectively polarised? This study examines how the support for different forms of governance in Germany – focusing on populist governance, and technocratic governance – vary at different levels of affective polarization. We argue that heightened affective polarization is linked to support for less pluralist forms of governance. Populist voters, especially from radical right parties, tend to favor direct democracy, which aligns with their majoritarian beliefs, while non-populist voters with high affective polarization favor technocratic governance. Using observational survey data from Germany, we illustrate how preferences for different forms of governance vary at different levels of affective polarization and how this relationship is conditioned by partisan identity. These findings contribute to understanding how political divisions reshape democratic attitudes in multiparty systems.

Political Analysis

On the Foundations of the Design-Based Approach
P. M. Aronow, Austin Jang, Molly Offer-Westort
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The design-based paradigm may be adopted in causal inference and survey sampling when we assume Rubin’s stable unit treatment value assumption (SUTVA) or impose similar frameworks. While often taken for granted, such assumptions entail strong claims about the data-generating process. We develop an alternative design-based approach: we first invoke a generalized, non-parametric model that allows for unrestricted forms of interference, such as spillover. We define an associated set of inferential targets and discuss their interpretation under SUTVA and a weaker assumption that we call the “no unmodeled revealable variation assumption” (NURVA). We then reconstruct the standard paradigm, reconsidering SUTVA at the end rather than assuming it at the beginning. Despite its similarity to SUTVA, we demonstrate the practical limitations of NURVA alone for identifying substantively interesting quantities. In so doing, we provide clarity on the nature and importance of SUTVA for applied research.

Political Behavior

Short-Term Pain, Long-Term Stain: Political Trust After Privatization of State-Owned Enterprises in China
Xingchen Lan, Hongshen Zhu
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Do Muslim Citizens Welcome Fundamentalist Muslim Immigrants? Evidence from a Conjoint Experiment in Kazakhstan
Masaaki Higashijima, Akira Igarashi, Yujin Woo
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Political Geography

Moving peace forward: Negotiating freedom of movement in peace processes
Emilian Berutti, Janek Bruker, Allard Duursma, Valentin Felix Geier
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The border security economy in the English Channel: Small boats, racism and late imperialism
Joe Turner, Arshad Isakjee, Lucy Mayblin, Thom Davies, Tesfalem Habte Yemane
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Political Psychology

How education shapes divergent identity responses to discrimination: Experimental and observational evidence from Muslim immigrants in Germany
Osman Suntay, Constantin Ruhe
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How immigrants respond to discrimination is a well‐studied topic in political psychology. However, less attention has been paid to whether the impact of discrimination on in‐group identification varies within minority groups and why. In Western Europe, Muslims experience significant discrimination and hostility based on their religious identity despite increasing educational integration and upward social mobility. Building on social identity theory and measuring both the strength and relative importance of religious identity, this paper reexamines the discrimination–in‐group identification link and investigates heterogeneity based on educational level. Drawing on an original survey of 1456 Turkish immigrants in Germany and combining a survey experiment and an observational study, this paper finds substantive heterogeneity: Higher educated immigrants strengthen their attachment to their religious group when they perceive discrimination, whereas lower educated immigrants tend to distance themselves from their in‐group. Additionally, while observational analyses support prior research showing that the average association between discrimination and in‐group identification is positive, the priming experiment does not provide evidence for a positive average causal effect. This study makes important empirical and theoretical contributions to research on in‐group religious identification and the integration paradox.
A very particular set of skills: The role of perspective‐taking in hostage diplomacy negotiations
Danielle Gilbert, Cynthia S. Wang
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Hostage diplomacy—detaining foreign nationals for leverage under the pretext of national law—is a growing international security problem. Beyond constituting a violation of international law, hostage diplomacy is challenging to resolve. Target states must deal with aggressive, sovereign perpetrators; handle a fraudulent but plausible legal process; account for numerous stakeholders; and protect their citizens from future harm. How do target‐state negotiators navigate these challenges? This theory‐building article explores perspective‐taking—imagining the world from another's vantage point—as a tool to shape target‐state negotiators' effectiveness in navigating hostage diplomacy. We introduce a model that conceptualizes perspective‐taking on two dimensions. First, negotiators can use multiple‐perspective taking , considering various stakeholders, including interests within their own government, the perpetrator's government, and the hostage's family. Second, across stakeholders, negotiators can take strategic , cultural , emotional , and moral perspectives. We posit that engaging in different forms of perspective‐taking improves target‐state negotiators' ability to identify a domestic win‐set, reach international agreement, and anticipate future crises. Drawing on insights from members of the U.S. hostage‐recovery enterprise, we offer a plausibility probe suggesting that perspective‐taking affects the process and outcomes of negotiations. Perspective‐taking may thus help negotiators better manage power dynamics, navigate informal rules of engagement, alleviate uncertainty, and bolster global security.
The role of partisan news and political parasocial relationships in shaping meta‐perceptions: Cross‐national evidence
Muhammad Ehab Rasul, Boaz Hameiri, Gila Hacohen, Nechumi Malovicki‐Yaffe, Samantha L. Moore‐Berg
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Communities worldwide face growing polarization, often fueled by misperceptions. Across three studies, we investigate the relationship between partisan news media exposure and meta‐(mis)perceptions (e.g., meta‐prejudice, meta‐dehumanization) in the United States and Israel. We also examine whether this relationship is moderated by political and religious affiliation, and whether partisan news media exposure is associated with meta‐perceptions through political parasocial relationships (PPSRs). In Study 1 ( N = 2707 US adults), results showed that outgroup partisan news media exposure was associated with reduced negative meta‐perceptions among Republicans and Democrats. In Study 2 ( N = 969 Israeli adults), results revealed that only exposure to ultra‐Orthodox news media was related to reduced negative meta‐perceptions among secular and ultra‐Orthodox individuals. Lastly, Study 3 ( N = 761 US adults) replicated Study 1 among Democrats, and results revealed that this relationship is mediated by PPSR. Overall, these results highlight the significant association between outgroup media exposure and meta‐perceptions and highlight the theoretical importance of PPSR.
How language divides: Asymmetries in the differentiating power of opinion discourse
Kevin Durrheim, Davide Morselli, Maria Schuld, Martin Canaan Mafunda, Andres Martinez Torres, Maite Beramendi, Mike Quayle, Melody Sepahpour‐Fard, Nnaemeka Ohamadike
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Polarization is typically conceptualized as increasing distance between opposing attitudes. We argue instead that it unfolds through asymmetries in the group‐differentiating power of opinion language. In public discourse, actors use distinctive linguistic repertoires to signal alignment, mark boundaries, and render opinion landscapes intelligible. Conventional attitude scales estimate the distributions of private belief but cannot capture how these boundaries are enacted in expression or how normative asymmetries shape the visibility of positions. Across three studies of vaccination discourse in South Africa and the United States, combining human coding with machine learning models of natural language, we examine how majority and minority opinions differ in their capacity to differentiate social groups. Consistent with Moscovici's theory of minority influence, minority discourse became more linguistically distinctive—and more effective at separating communities—under politicized conditions, whereas majority discourse was more dispersed and aligned with institutional reporting. In both contexts, linguistic proximity to opinion poles was associated with heightened anger. These findings suggest that polarization is not only divergence in belief but also an asymmetrical process of boundary construction enacted through language.

PS: Political Science & Politics

A Modern American Dilemma: How American Identity Shapes Support for the Black Lives Matter Movement
Amber Spry, Shayla C. Nunnally
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This article explores support for Black Lives Matter through the lens of intergroup conflict and solidarity—concepts at the core of Paula D. McClain’s research. We examine the extent to which expressions of “American identity” amplify support for or opposition to the Black Lives Matter movement. The merits of protest are perceived differently across racial groups in the United States, but theories of superordinate identity suggest attitudes could be unified through common expressions of a shared identity. Using 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey data (N=3,711; sum of Black and white respondents), we employ multivariate regression analysis to show that although Black and white respondents express similarly strong levels of a superordinate “American identity,” American identity moderates Black and white support for Black Lives Matter inconsistently—and at times in opposing directions. These findings provide additional context for understanding how American identity relates to support for protest activity, suggesting that American identity can assume distinct meanings for different groups of Americans.

Quarterly Journal of Political Science

Overcoming digital barriers: evidence from Venezuelan migrants in Colombia
Nejla Asimovic, Kevin Munger, Mateo Våsquez-Cortés
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Unprecedented migration flows demand effective strategies for integrating migrants into the public systems of their host countries. The rapid digitalization of services creates new opportunities for inclusion, but limited internet access, digital literacy challenges, and weak social networks remain significant barriers. In collaboration with Innovations for Poverty Action and using administrative data from Colombia’s National Planning Department, this study designs and implements a randomized controlled trial to reduce these barriers among Venezuelan migrants in Colombia. This study tests whether providing unlimited mobile data for a month and information about public benefits, delivered individually or within moderated WhatsApp groups, improves access to social services and other integration outcomes. This study finds that information provision, particularly via WhatsApp groups, significantly increased verified enrollment in Portal Ciudadano, the country’s social services platform. Networked participants also demonstrated greater interest in government services and a stronger ability to complete digitally demanding tasks, which are increasingly important in today’s digital environment. By contrast, this study finds no effects on outcomes such as employment, and even observes some negative effects on well-being. This study advances our understanding of migrant integration, highlighting WhatsApp’s potential to activate networks and assist migrants in navigating host societies, while also revealing the ongoing challenges in achieving broader integration outcomes.

Research & Politics

Short-lived persuasion from campaign rallies: Evidence from the 2016 U.S. presidential election
Henrique Barros
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This paper estimates the impact of presidential campaign rallies on candidate support and policy attitudes in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Using CCES microdata matched to rally dates and locations, I implement an event-study design that exploits within-county variation in interview timing around rallies. Rallies generate short-lived shifts that fade within 1 week. Clinton rallies consistently increase support for Clinton immediately after these events take place. Trump rallies show geographic heterogeneity—support falls in urban counties and rises in suburban counties. Policy attitudes respond weakly overall: I find little systematic evidence that Trump rallies shift issue positions, while Clinton rallies generate a modest leftward shift in a broad ideology index in suburban counties.

The Journal of Politics

Is Innovation Good for the Soul? Joseph Soloveitchik and the Virtue Ethics of Technological Progress
Mathis Bitton
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