I checked 9 sociology journals on Monday, September 14, 2026 using the Crossref API. For the period September 07 to September 13, I found 9 new paper(s) in 3 journal(s).

Social Forces

School preferences across countries and social groups: a factorial survey experiment in the United States, Germany and Italy
Guido Salza, Moris Triventi
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This paper examines whether evaluations of primary-school characteristics vary across national and social contexts. Using a factorial survey experiment with more than 2500 respondents in the United States, Germany, and Italy, participants evaluated hypothetical schools differing in six attributes. By holding information, cost, and proximity constant, the design isolates stated preferences from several constraints that shape observed school choices. Multilevel models estimate the effects of school attributes on enrolment intention, perceived academic effectiveness, and expected social integration. Two findings stand out. First, respondents with and without university education evaluate school characteristics in remarkably similar ways, providing limited evidence that school preferences are strongly stratified by educational background. Second, although the general pattern of evaluations is broadly similar across countries, the relative effects of particular attributes vary: U.S. respondents are more responsive to school performance levels, Italian respondents to academic growth, and extracurricular activities and parental involvement also differ in salience across contexts. Respondents react significantly to all six school attributes across the three evaluative dimensions, indicating that school preferences are shaped by multiple academic, social, and organizational considerations. Overall, our findings suggest that cross-national and social inequalities in school attendance are unlikely to be explained by preference differences alone.
Review of “Kid Cops: What Communities Gain and Lose from Junior Police in Schools”
Rebecca D Gleit
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Human rights and populist wrongs: how populist incumbents threaten democracy, 1990–2023
Wade M Cole
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This paper leverages variation in respect for human rights to intervene in ongoing debates over the consequences of populism for democracy. Compiling data for 103 democratic countries between 1990 and 2023, and using a novel cross-national classification of populist leaders and parties, I examine the relationships between left-wing, centrist, and right-wing populist incumbency and 18 measures of civil, political, and social rights. Two-way fixed-effects and heterogeneity-robust difference-in-differences analyses reveal that populists do not attack human rights indiscriminately. Instead, left- and right-wing populists preside over sharp declines in core political rights that are essential to free and fair elections, including the freedoms of speech, association, and the press. Their effects on civil and social rights are more limited and vary by populist subtype, while centrist populists generally exhibit weaker effects overall. These patterns suggest that left- and right-wing populists violate human rights strategically, concentrating on rights that enable political opposition, public criticism, and democratic accountability. The findings imply that populism is destructive not merely of liberal democracy, as commonly argued, but of democracy itself. More broadly, they demonstrate the value of disaggregating populism and human rights for understanding threats to contemporary democracy.
Occupational hazard and political segregation in the US labor market
Ray Tsai Fang
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The tendency for liberals and conservatives to cluster in different occupations significantly impacts society, yet the factors that contribute to this type of segregation remain incompletely understood. Bridging research from cultural and cognitive psychology, I develop a theory describing how occupational environments can shape people’s political ideologies, thereby contributing to political segregation in the labor market. Specifically, I argue that the more hazardous an occupation is, the more likely it is to have a higher concentration of conservative workers because dangerous work environments can socialize people to prefer order and stability. Using data from the Occupation Information Network, General Social Survey, and Bureau of Labor Statistics, I find that hazardous occupations tend to have higher concentrations of conservative workers, even after controlling for several alternative explanations. Further, using longitudinal data from the Youth-Parent Socialization Panel Study, I find that individuals employed in hazardous occupations tended to become more conservative over time relative to their peers in safer occupations. These findings suggest that liberals and conservatives may not only be sorting into different occupations; rather, certain occupational environments may contribute to political segregation in the labor market by shaping workers’ political views.
Review of “The Story of a Generation: Life Course Pathways of the Class of ‘73”
Richard Settersten
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Review of “Life After Epidemics: Ebola Survivors and the Social Dimensions of Recovery”
Alexandre White
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Social Science Research

Patterns of racial identification among children of intermarried Asian Indians: Evidence from longitudinally and intergenerationally linked Census data
Luna Chandna
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Gender, sexual orientation, and intimate partner violence: Timing and cumulative exposure among U.S. adults
Mick Cunningham, Kristin L. Anderson
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Socius

An Oasis of Equality? Race and Stress on the MTurk Platform
Jeremy Reynolds, Julieta Aguilar
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People of color face many disadvantages in the conventional labor market, and the gig economy reproduces many of them. In this article, we examine racial differences in work stress among U.S. gig microtask workers on the Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk) platform. We suspected that because workers’ racial identities are concealed on MTurk, racial differences in work stress might be negligible, especially after accounting for personal, household, and employment situations and differences in MTurk experience. Popular explanations of racial inequality suggest that such factors can generate inequality even when organizations are ostensibly race neutral. We find, however, that Black and Hispanic MTurk workers report more work stress than White workers even after controlling for those factors and others. Mediation tests echo previous research on MTurk by highlighting a connection between work stress and schedule control. Black and Hispanic MTurk workers report more work stress, in part, because they are less satisfied with the timing of their hours. Work stress among Hispanic workers also reflects their comparatively low influence on the timing of their hours. We encourage more research on inequality among microtask workers to explore why anonymity is not more effective at reducing inequality.